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An Aluminum PORTABLE

Benedictions. This scene forecasts the sly and bitter humor of the author's The Treasure. It is full of an intimate malice possible only to one of the same race.

..

And the young Yet in his soul

In vain The Last Jew beats upon his people's doors, crying: "Jews! God's house is in danger!" He is surrounded by the cowardly and corrupt, who fall away at the first blast like fungi from a rotted tree. living timber is reaching to another sun! faith still surges like a song. Alone he staggers to the defense of the Sacred Scrolls, crying upon an unanswering God. A crazy beggar woman answers the call. last he realizes that it is only the spiritually dying or dead who adhere to the crumbling faith. A wooden Leon, flipped by the dramatist's thumb, rushes to his defense as he falls, having realized his ideal of beauty in the heroic soul of his grandfather.

At

In reading this play one becomes conscious of the Jewish race as a whole, instead of as scattered groups, East-siders and petty traders incidental to our great cities. We feel the pressure of a vast stream that, whether it may flow over or about us, is in some way searching and cleansing.

The protagonist in The Dumb Messiah, a three-act symbolical drama, is another study of the frustrated ego. Penini, a Court physician of Illyria, has had his tongue cut out by his Christian over-lords. Yet he conceives the idea of using his daughter as his "tongue" to lead his people to Zion-a people no longer desirous of their dream-city. For the innate home-love of the Jews, like a torn-up vine, has struck roots where it fell.

The Last Jew left God discarded by the dead body of his lone disciple. Here it is the national aspiration of a people that has passed-so slowly that they, all unknowing, have been carrying it like a corpse, smiling and upright.

The action takes place in the thirteenth century, during the expulsion of the Jews from Illyria. But its theme is of peculiar interest just now, when the hope of a national existence is again dangled before Jewish eyes. Not now through the inspired voice of a Messiah, but by the pointing finger of a great political power, who generally looks for some tangible result for her favors. This drama has all the material for a great play, but it is not greatly expressed. Like his three protagonists, Pinski gives one a sense of baffled power. The maimed prophet, dashing himself into the sea after his broken dream, is the pathetic and futile figure that Pinski probably intended him to be. But he might have left him the dignity of silence. I have considered these plays only as literature, but if The Dumb Messiah were acted here, Penini's grotesque efforts to articulate would reduce an American audience to hysteria.

The drama is over-laden with lamentation. The oriental love of color without a proportionate sense of its values is here emotionally expressed. Spiritually, Pinski wraps his burdened people in garish purple cloths. The curious poverty of language in all three dramas, may be due to the limitations of Yiddish as well as to a loss in transit.

Contributors

L. R.

SIDNEY WEBB-A noted English economist, author and editor. Principal founder of the London School of Economics and Political Science.

LIEUTENANT-COLONEL EDOUARD REQUIN-A representative of the French General Staff now in this country. ELIZABETH SHEPLEY SERGEANT-A graduate of Bryn Mawr College and author of French Perspectives. Her present article is one of a series she is contributing to the New Republic.

H. G. WELLS.

T

47

.S. K. Ratcliffe 48

50

F. H. 51 .H. J. L. 52 .A. C. 53

54

HE President's Siberian policy, announced by Assistant Secretary of State Polk, gives

evidence of divided counsels. It may safely be assumed that the President himself was very loath to accept a policy the consequences of which are unpredictable, and may well prove extremely grave for democracy and the Allied cause. But all the world knows that the President has been subjected to tremendous pressure not only from partisans of intervention at home but from the governments of our Allies. Further, complete control of the situation did not rest in his hands. American consent was not absolutely essential to military intervention in Siberia, although this consent was greatly desired by our Allies. In the circumstances it is not unnatural that it should have appeared safest to accept intervention in principle but to divest it of its more immediate dangers, primarily by defining strictly the limits of intervention and the relations of the expeditionary forces to the Russian local authorities, and secondly by holding down the numbers of the forces landed on Russian soil. A "few thousand" soldiers cannot undertake an

Number 197

extensive enterprise of conquest, and their presence in Siberia may remove the excuse for sending a much larger force. In this policy it is easy to discern a close analogy to the President's policy of intervention in Mexico. In that case the President yielded to the clamor for intervention, but was careful to limit the scope of intervention, and was in fact successful in observing the limits he, had set.

M

EXICO, unfortunately, did not accept in good part even intervention safeguarded by the most self-denying of announced limitations. The landing at Vera Cruz was directed against the usurper Huerta; the invasion of northern Mexico was directed against the bandit Villa. These were desperate enemies of the body of the Mexican people represented by the Constitutionalist govern

Yet this fact did not prevent all Mexican factions from agreeing in one point, hatred of the United States, which menaced their sovereignty. This was not a superficial feeling arising out of a transitory misunderstanding. To this day much of Mexico is pro-German in consequence. We need not expect the Russian attitude to be very different. The Russians will accept our announced intentions with much suspicion. Our positive act will pass at its face value. Certainly, so far as the present Soviet government is concerned, we have lost most of our chances of an understanding. We shall hardly be able, working through the Soviets, to prepare Russia for the resumption of hostilities against Germany when we are ready to give effective aid. Possibly the Soviet regime is declining to its fall, and that in spite of apparent aggression we may be able to effect an understanding with a democratic counter-revolution. This appears now to be the only hope of winning Russia back to the Allies. But whether the hope is illusory or not appears to depend entirely upon the strength of thie anti-Soviet forces, and upon their readiness to compromise their future political position by sassociation with alien invaders.