with spirit and unanimity, and he had no doubt that that spirit and unanimity would be displayed both by the parliament and the people.

Lord Hawkesbury, although he felt himself called upon to make some observations upon his majesty's speech, and upon something that had fallen from the noble lord who had just sat down, did not intend to oppose the address. There were some topics to which he felt himself called upon to advert, and which were not noticed in his majesty's speech. No reason was assigned in his majesty's speech for the dissolution of the last parliament. He admitted that it was his majesty's undoubted prerogative to dissolve the parliament at what ever period he pleased;-he would admit this in the strongest sense in which it could be put; he admitted that if the parliament were to have any fixed and permanent term of existence, that there could be no security for the existence of the monarchy. Still, however, his majesty's ministers were responsible for the advice they gave his majesty with respect to the use of this prerogative, and were undoubtedly responsible if they advised the exercise of that prerogative uselessly, or from levity or wantonness. Since the passing of the septennial act, in the year 1715, a period of ninety years, there had been no instance, with the single exception of 1784, which stood on its own peculiar grounds, and of an intervening demise of the crown, of a parliament having been dissolved until it had sat six sessions. With respect to the instance of 1784, the crown and the house of commons were then at variance as to the mode of administering the government, in consequence of which, public busi

ness was in a great measure suspended. There was, therefore, in that instance, a fully sufficient reason for dissolving parliament. In the case, however, of the last parliament, no such motives existed; and he thought it was incumbent in his majesty's ministers to shew, that some reason existed for the dissolution of the parliament, besides mere motives of convenience. Would it not, therefore, have been better in this instance, instead of calling a new parliament, to have called together the actual parlia ment, and to have laid before it those documents, with the declaration at the same time? There was another topic to which his majesty's speech did not allude, but which had been alluded to by the noble lord who had just sat down; he meant the military force of the country, and the system recently adopted by his majesty's ministers with the view of increasing that force. When the present ministers came into office, they proposed the repeal of a measure which had been adopted by the late administration, for increasing the force of the country, on the ground that it did not sufficiently increase that force, and proposed in its room a system, which it was asserted would materially increase that force, but which, at the same time, tended to damp the spirit of the volunteers, who had come forward with the most zealons and ardent patriotism in the cause of their country. A part of this system was the training bill. From all the inquiries he had made, he could not learn that this bill had been carried into effect in any part of the country. With respect to the system by which the army was to be so materially increased, he believed it would be found that it had failed in its object,

and

and that, so far from increasing the military force of the country, the numbers of the army were not now so great as they were last year. His majesty's speech did not allude to the escape of the French fleet, and its return in safety to its ports, neither did it notice our expeditions. With respect to the latter, it was deeply to be lamented that one of them should have been delayed in port for several months, and at length sent out at a period of the year, when it was most probable it would meet with the most unfavourable and stormy weather. The next topic to which he thought it necessary to advert, was one alluded to in his majesty's speech, namely, the situation of Prussia. At the time his majesty's message came down to parliament respect ing the aggression of Prussia, he was one of the foremost to applaud the firmness and vigour displayed by ministers upon that occasion. It did not follow, however, from thence, that he was to applaud the whole of the conduct of ministers with respect to Prussia, and he could not but lament that an earlier Opportunity was not taken, when Prussia became determined to commence hostilities against France, of bringing about a co-operation and concert with the court of Berlin.

Lord Grenville concurred with the noble baron in the just eulogium which he had made on the eloquence of the noble earl who had moved the address. But as the noble baron had not felt it to be improper to advert to matters not in the speech from the throne, and consequently not in the motion for the address, he trusted that it would not be considered by their lordships as improper for him to animadvert on those topics. The

ble baron, after a very solemn

declaration of the inestimable value to the constitution of the prerogative vested in his majesty of dissolving parliament, and of the free and indisputable right which his majesty had to exercise that right at all times, had not scrupled to enter into a long detail of reasons why the prerogative ought not to have been exercised, as it had recently been exercised by his majesty. Lord Grenville said he should have been surprised at any noble lord in the house standing up in his place to question the exercise of a prerogative so clearly inherent in his majesty, and so indubitably useful; but that a noble baron should, after a preface so magnificent, as to the value of this prerogative, of its sacred quality, of its being above all question, make a direct charge against his majesty's ministers for having advised the exercise of it, was really what he could not reconcile with any rules of rational conduct. For himself, sacred as he held every prerogative of the crown, he felt that his majesty's servants were answerable for the advice which they gave his majesty for the exercise, or for abstaining from the exercise, of every one of them. In no case did he conceive the exercise. of this undoubted prerogative to have been more wise, more salutary, or more attentive, on the part of his majesty, to the feelings of his people, than the dissolution which had lately taken place. If at any moment of our history the exercise of this prerogative was wise, proper, and discreet, it was upon the present occasion, and the empire had gained this great and important advantage from the measure, that the degree of unanimity which had been manifested by the people from one end of the

united kingdoms to the other on the subject of the war, on the determination to persevere in the struggle, on the necessity of vigorous exertions, and in the approbation of the steps which had been taken by his majesty's servants, had given strength, confidence, and spirit to the government; and had given a noble example to the world of the vigour of a people who understood the blessings of independence, and who were determined to maintain it. But the noble baron, after disclaiming all intention of disputing the right of his majesty to exercise his prerogative at all times, without question, had not scrupled to say that, with the exception of one solitary instance, it had not been exercised, since1715, at shorter intervals than six years. Lord Grenville said he was inclined to doubt the accuracy of the noble baron's chronology. He thought that, upon looking back, he would find himself deceived in his calculations. The next topic of complaint which the noble baron had made was, that the speech had not alluded to the measure of the last parliament, with regard to the military force of the country. The noble lord would find himself as much in an error upon this subject, as on the dissolution of parliament. There certainly would have been no good reason for adverting to this measure in the speech from the throne. There was no cause to repeal that measure, to new-model it, or even to doubt of its efficacy. All that was wished for was, that they should have patience, temper, and forbearance, to give their own measure full time to shew its effect. He took upon himself to say, that its efficacy would be complete; and that, as far as it had gone, the virtue of the measure was already

apparent. Another topic which the noble baron thinks ought to have been alluded to in the speech is, that his majesty should have been advised to tell parliament that a French fleet had been suffered to escape out of port, and suffered to return in safety. This they certainly had not advised his majesty to say, nor would it have been fit for them so to advise him, for it would not be fit to advise his majesty to assert what had not happened. It was true that a fleet had been suffered to escape-but it had not re turned in safety. As to its escape, the noble lord had better look back, for it was with him and his col leagues to account for its escape. But with respect to the quick, prompt, and vigorous pursuit of that fleet, he would take upon himself to say, that at no time had there been so many, such various, and such prompt means taken to pur sue, and defeat the intentions of the enemy, as were adopted on that occasion-and such as entitled the particular department to the warm gratitude of the country. The next topic of complaint was, that the expeditions were not clearly understood, nor approved of by the noble lord. It was rather premature in the noble lord to complain of the means taken by ministers for an end of which he con fessed himself ignorant. It would be time enough for the noble lord to complain when he knew whether the means were adequate to the end.

He could not follow him into the allusions which he had made to particular persons; nor would he animadvert on the names which he had mentioned. As to the selection of officers for particular objects, the noble lord would admit that was as much a matter of prerogative as the dissolution of parliament,

parliament, and without it the nation could have very little confidence in the success of any expedition. If military rank were always to determine the employment of officers to command, we should sink before the more vigorous system of the enemy. But, thank God, that had never been permitted to enfeeble the exertions of England. The next topic of charge was in regard to Prussia. The noble lord approved of the vigorous measures of last session against Prussia, and he now complained that it had not been brought forward in the speech, that he might have an opportunity of finding reason to change his opinion on it ;it had turned out different to his hopes, and he was now desirous of fixing on ministers the charge of not having shown a disposition to return to an intercourse of friendship with Prussia in time to assist her efforts, and prevent the catastrophe which had happened. The noble lord was mistaken in his supposition,-for he would take upon himself to say, that there had not existed the slightest possibility of returning to a good understanding with Prussia, or of acting in concert with that power. Prussia, that had gone on in a course of temporising submission to France from year to year, with views of aggrandizement, as well as of permanent security; and not only from year to year, but from month to month, and at last even from week to week, sacrificing the duty which, as a great power, he owed to the freedom and independence of Europe: at last, with an improvidence and rashness as blameable as his former timidity and submission, hurried into war without any communication or concert whatever. He said he had no pleasure in speak1807.

ing of the conduct of this courtno triumph in remarking the contrast between his fate and the allies of England-no satisfaction in the thought that if the counsels of his majesty had had weight to have raised Prussia in due time to a sense of the duty which he owed to his neighbours-to a feeling of magnanimity instead of participation in the system of spoil and rapine upon which the universal enemy was acting, the calamity which had come over the royal house might have been prevented: but, when they were charged distinctly with not having manifested a disposition to return to a friendly intercourse with the Prussian court, it was a duty which he owed to his majesty, to his colleagues, and to himself, manfully to resist the imputation, and to make known the truth. The truth was, that no communication whatever took place between the two courts-that there was no concert-and that no invitation on the part of his majesty could draw from that court the slightest indication of a corresponding feeling. But why did lord Morpeth return that was the next head of charge. Lord Morpeth was sent on the 1st of October, that is, on the first moment when it was thought possible that at length Prussia might feel the pru dence of acting in conjunction with others. On the 1st of November he returned.-But, why did he not remain? Lord Grenville asked, where he could have remained. The king himself did not remain— unfortunately the army did not remain-should he have remained on the field of battle, to have added to the proud triumphs of the enemy? But to show the infatuation of the unfortunate king, and the state of his councils, it was

B

alone

alone necessary to say, that up to the very day of the fatal battle of Auerstadt, lord Morpeth could not obtain even an answer from the confidential advisers of the king of Prussia. With respect to the late negotiation at Paris, the noble lord has properly declined to enter into any discussion of it. There is not one individual in or out of parliament by whom peace is desired on any other terms but those which shall be honourable to the country itself, and strictly consistent with that fidelity which we owe to our allies. The people are convinced that the times are critical, and that the dangers they have to encounter are great; but they are also convinced that it is only by their own valour and resolution that these dangers can be averted. They are convinced, by contemplating the ruin of that great fabric, whose demolished fragments are now employed to injure us, that it is only by energy and firmness that this country can be saved from a similar ruin they are convinced, that if, after all their efforts, they should at last sink under the contest, they would, even then, have the satisfaction of avoiding the self-reproaches which those must feel, who, while they were degrading and humbling themselves before their enemy, returned nothing but insults and aggressions, where conciliation and gratitude were due; and yet, notwithstanding all their shameful submissions and humiliations have not been less overwhelmed and trampled on by the common foe of Europe. To have fallen after a manful and honourable struggle would have been glorious in Prussia; but her conduct will never be imitated by this country, which in spirit, as well as in resources, is fully competent to

the contest in which she is engaged.

Lord Radnor said a few words, when the question for an address was carried nem, con.

In the house of commons on the same subject:

The honourable Mr. Lambe rose and said, it was impossible not to consider the meeting of a new British parliament as a most important event. Their deliberations would be looked to by their country, by their enemy, and by their allies, with the utmost anxiety. By their country, with the expectation that their proceedings would be distinguished by consistency and resolution; by their enemy, with the hope that in their councils might be detected an auspicious prognostic of alarm, wavering, and disunion; by their allies, with the anticipation of increasing confidence and co-operation. In his majesty's most gracious speech, which had just been read from the chair, their attention was principally drawn to two topics. The first was the fruitless negotiation with France. Nothing could be further from his intention than to touch on any subject which in the remotest degree might tend to revive political differences, now almost lost in the disastrous events in which we were so nearly interested; but he thought, without any hazard of such a revival, he might say, whether the pacific system so strongly recommended during the last war, was practicable or not, that when the advocates for that system came into power, it was at a time when their hopes of carrying that system into effect must have been considerably diminished. In the event of peace with France, and of the mediation of other powers to produce that event, it was necessary

that