Thomas O'Brien, New York, N. Y., president St. Columcille branch, Friends of Irish Freedom. Rev. William T. McLaughlin, Jersey City, N. J., State president, Friends of Irish Freedom. Michael J. O'Connor, New York, N. Y., Innisfail branch, Friends of Irish Freedom. Thomas J. Maloney, Jersey City, N. J., president P. Lorillard Co. John Regan, New Bedford, Mass., president Thmas Clarke branch. Thomas F. J. Connolly, Port Chester, N. Y., Friends of Irish Freedom, Port Chester and Rye, N. Y. Roderick J. Kennedy, New York City, N. Y., confidential attendant Supreme Court, State of New York. W. E. Hogan, Bridgeport, Conn., vice president of De Valera branch, Bridgeport, Conn. John O'Dea, Philadelphia, Pa., national secretary Ancient Order of Hibernians. John J. O'Neill, Bridgeport, Conn., president T. F. Meagher branch, Friends of Irish Freedom. Attorney Thomas D. Shea, Nanticoke, Pa., local council, Luzerne County; headquarters, Wilkes-Barre, Pa. Secretary, Matthew O'Connor Ford; vice president, T. R. Callam; treasurer, R. R. Fitzpatrick; trustees, P. J. Calligan, J. V. Moylan, C. A. Judge, M. D. John Stratton O'Leary, New York, N. Y., member of grievance committee, Bronx Builders' Protective Association. Cornelius F. Murphy, Shelton, Conn., president of P. H. Pearse branch, Friends of Irish Freedom. Rodger Power O'Neill, M. D., New York City, N. Y., member national committee. James D. O'Neil, Jenkintown, Pa., organizer. Thomas McCourt, New York, N. Y., Con Colbert branch, Friends of Irish Freedom, Sunburst Club. Frank Hague, Jersey City, N. J., member Jersey City branch. Charles F. H. O'Brien, Jersey City, N. J., member Jersey City branch. Eugene F. Kincaid, Jersey City, N. J., former Member of Congress. Thomas Shea, Nanticoke, Pa. Michael J. Enright, Chester, Pa., Thomas Clarke branch, Friends of Irish Freedom. James B. Mulherin, Augusta, Ga., delegate John F. Armstrong branch, Friends of Irish Freedom, Augusta, Ga. Margaret Bowles, New York City, N. Y., Bishop D. Dwyer branch, Friends of Irish Freedom. Peter J. Fleming, M. D., Boston, Mass., medical committee. Daniel Foley, Winthrop, Mass., professor of economics, Trade Union College, Boston, Mass. John Morton, Dorchester, Mass., advisory committee chairman, Boston, Mass. Rev. Edward S. Brock, S. J., Washington, D. C. Joseph J. Hall, Naugatuck, Conn., assistant purchasing agent of Rubber Regenerating Co. James O'Sullivan, Lowell, Mass., treasurer of two important corporations. Jeremiah Flahavan, Ansonia, Conn., president of James Connelly Club, Friends of Irish Freedom, Ansonia. Francis B. McKinney, Boston, Mass., lecturer Joseph Plunkett branch, Friends of Irish Freedom. John G. Fitzgerald, Ansonia, Conn., vice president. Michael B. McGreal, New Haven, Conn., City Board Ancient Order of Hibernians, New Haven, five divisions, three auxiliaries; Division No. 7, Ancient Order of Hibernians; Sarsfield G. A. Club, Friends of Irish Freedom, New Haven, Conn. Matthew Cummings, Boston, Mass., president Boston Council, Friends of Irish Freedom. John H. H. McNamee, Boston, Mass., banker and manufacturer. Richard Dwyer, national vice president Ancient Order of Hibernians, South Boston, Mass. Paul F. Spain, Cambridge, Mass., treasurer bench and bar committee, Boston, Mass. James A. Dorsey, Boston, Mass., chairman finance committee, bench and bar committee, Boston. Michael L. Fahey, Boston, Mass., secretary committee bench and bar. Edw. F. McSweeney, Framingham, Mass., member national council, member advisory committee, Boston. John J. McDonagh, New York, N. Y., delegate from the Archbishop Plunkett branch, Friends of Irish Freedom. H. Miller, New York, N. Y., Archbishop Plunkett branch, Friends of Irish Freedom. James E. Deery, Indianapolis, Ind., national president Ancient Order of Hibernians. E. F. White, Chester, Pa. Rossa F. Downing, Washington, D. C., Washington branch, Friends of Irish Freedom. Wm. J. Boyle, Central Labor Union of Philadelphia, Pa. N. J. Sinnott, Member of Congress from Oregon. Daniel J. Moran, Lynn, Mass., recording secretary and director of publicity. (Mrs.) Honor Walsh, Germantown, Pa., editorial staff, the Standard and Guild. Robert E. Ford, New York, N. Y., editor Irish World. Patrick King, Catholic Young Men's Union, Philadelphia, Pa. Patrick Fitzgerald, United Irish Societies of Western Pennsylvania. Patrick Cronin, Duquesne University. Thomas Lee, New York, N. Y. William J. Noonan, 37 Raleigh Avenue, Richmond borough, City of New York. Thomas Rock, Central Federated Union, New York City. Louis D. Kavanagh, president of Irish Self-Determination Club, Omaha. James O. Reilly, Philadelphia, Pa. Joseph McGarrity, Philadelphia, Pa., chairman Irish Volunteer Committee. John J. Liddy, Indianapolis, Ind. William H. Foley, Indianapolis, Ind. P. J. Conway, president Irish-American Athletic Club, New York City. John H. Dooley, 535 West One hundred and twenty-first Street, New York, N. Y.; representative position, National Executive Committee, New York City. Annie Lester Lyons, delegate Yorktown branch, F. O. I. F., Norfolk, Va. Lawrence Craddock Lawless, delegate Yorktown branch F. O. I. F., Norfolk, Va. Margaret Elward Lawless, delegate Yorktown branch F. O. I. F., Norfolk, Va. James C. Gordon, president Yorktown branch F. O. I. F., Norfolk, Va. M. J. Lyons, vice president Yorktown branch F. O. I. F., United States deputy marshal's office, Norfolk, Va. Henry McNally, president of Patrick Henry branch, Friends of Irish Freedom, Girard, Ohio. Thomas F. Martin, secretary of state of New Jersey. John Mannix, Glens Falls, N. Y. Patrick O'Hagerty, Springfield, Mass. Patrick J. Kennedy, Glens Falls, N. Y. Rev. Joseph O'Keefe, Akron, Ohio. J. B. Shannon, Kansas City, Mo. Casinn J. Welch, Kansas City, Mo. Martin Owens, Newark, N. J. Rev. Thomas J. Hurton, Philadelphia, Pa., St. Enda's Gaelic School and St. Edna branch of the Gaelic League. H. J. Phillips, Philadelphia, Pa., Robert Emmet branch, Friends of Irish Freedom. J. T. Lawler, Norfolk, Va., member national committee, Friends of Irish Freedom. Hugh Montague, Passaic, N. J., general contractor. Roderick J. Kennedy, clerk Supreme Court State of New York. D. J. Lawless, Marcellus Falls, N. Y. R. E. O'Malley, Michael Davitt branch, Friends of Irish Freedom, Kansas City, Mo. J. D. Turner, Baltimore, Md. W. C. Walsh, Cumberland, Md. Joseph B. Fitzgerald, member Wolfe Tone Club, Jersey City, N. J. Jerome O'Keeffe, Jersey City, N. J. John G. McTigue, New York, N. Y. R. T. B. Kelly, Gardner, Mass. James Tumulty, 646 Bergen Avenue, Jersey City, N, J., president of Wolfe Tone Club, Jersey City, N. J. P. J. O'Donnell, Detroit, Mich. D. Lynch, Utica, N. Y. Miss Margaret Bowers, New York, N. L John B. Burke, Gary, Ind. William J. Maloney, Gary, Ind. M, C. Ford, Oklahoma City, Okla. Senator BRANDEGEE. Mr. Chairman, I suggest the absence of a quorum. I would like the record to state the names of those present. The CHAIRMAN. The clerk will call the roll. The clerk called the roll and the following members answered to their names: Senators Lodge, Borah, Brandegee, Fall, Knox, Harding, Johnson, New, Moses, Swanson, and Pittman. The CHAIRMAN. There are 12 Senators present, a quorum. Judge Cohalan, you may put on your next speaker. Senator BORAH. Before that is done, Mr. Chairman, I want to make a suggestion with reference to the gentlemen who are still to address the committee. The argument has been made by the advocates of the league and by some of our colleagues that under the league of nations Ireland would have a better opportunity or a better chance of having her affairs settled in harmony with her aspirations than without it. You gentlemen having kept close tab, undoubtedly, upon the debate along that line of argument, will appreciate what I say. I would like to have some one address his attention to that feature of the question. Judge COHALAN. That will be done during the course of the hearing. Mr. Chairman, I want to put in the record a memorial, with certain figures. The CHAIRMAN. They will be printed, and as our time is limited, we will not take the time to read them now. Judge COHALAN. Very well. Mr. Chairman, I am also going to file Ireland's declaration of independence along with other official documents, and some extension of my remarks. (The extension of Judge Cohalan's remarks and the declaration of independence referred to are here printed in full, as follows:) The great trouble with the mass of the people of America on the question of Ireland is their viewpoint on the Irish question. Without intending to be unfair, they take. for granted the justice of the English view. They find England, largely the mistress of the world and in many ways admitted to be the leader of modern civilization, in possession of Ireland. They find, according to histories mainly written by England's friends, that she has been thus in Ireland for centuries, and they take it for granted that she must be there legally; that she is there as a matter of right. They take for granted, too, that in the evolution of civilization, in the making of history, that conditions required her to be there, and that England's claim to the overlordship in Ireland is a valid and just claim. This view is strengthened by all the literature which most Americans ever read. The so-called English literature with which Americans come in contact usually rates England as the one great power which, through the centuries past, has been carrying aloft the torch of justice and progress into the dark corners of the world. So, it is not to be wondered at that many Americans are prone to think of England as the guiding star of civilization. educating and lifting up downtrodden, suffering people that have been tyrannized over by their national tyrants. This is the view of England that Englishmen like to have the world take of their country. Because of this viewpoint, it is extremely difficult to get before the American jury-fair as it intends to be the actual facts of history, not to speak of the present-day conditions as they exist in Ireland. THE DOMINATING FIGURES IN ENGLAND. The ordinary American, accustomed to giving almost all of his time to a study of the internal conditions of his own country, so far as his interests leads him on, has not learned to differentiate between the England which is and the England that, according to her writers and poets, seems to be. He has not come to understand that the English democracy of which he hears and reads so much has little reality in fact, and that England still continues to be governed by a handful of men, representing, with but few exceptions, the same small group of titled land-controlling families that have governed England since the days of Henry XIII, if not, in fact, much longer. Since the downfall of continental aristocracies this is true of England more than of any other country. The dominating figures in England to-day-those in actual power-are the Cecils and their relations. Lloyd-George or some other figure that has come to represent democracy or radicalism, if you will, in the eyes of the world, is put forward as the premier of governing authority. But the will that dominates, controls, and finally directs the policies and actions of England is that of the master spirit Cecil, no matter which member of that family or its connections it may happen to be. In the last generation it was the Marquis of Salisbury, former premier of England, the man who said, some forty years ago, that England and America were natural rivals in every court and in every port; the man who more than any other-with the exception of Joseph Chamberlain, the great radical who ratted and joined the forces of conservation-was responsible for the destruction of the two little Republics in South Africa. It was this same Salisbury who said, in the days when the Irish were carrying everything before them in the Parliamentary fights in the House of Commons, that the Irish were no better than the Hottentots and should receive the same treatment. It was the same man who represented England in the Congress of Berlin and of whom Bismarck said-because he quit when opposed by superior force-that he reminded him of a lath, painted to look like iron. Salisbury was aided and was succeeded by his nephew, Arthur James Balfour, who became Premier of England, first Lord of the Admiralty, and a number of other high-sounding things, but who has never been able to wipe out the title of "Bloody Balfour" conferred upon him by the people of Ireland when he was chief secretary for Ireland, and, among other things, ordered the shooting, if necessary, by the troops, in cold blood, of the defenseless, unarmed people of Mitchelstown. Balfour is still to the fore and is probably the chief governing force in England to-day, except in so far as he is displaced by his cousin, Lord Robert Cecil, son of the Marquis of Salisbury and father of the proposed League of Nationswhich would, if it became effective, undo the work of the revolution and put us in the position of again being a vassal state of England, subject to the control of the Cecils or any other landed aristocracy that might, in the future, control the destines of England and the world. These are types of the men who dominate England, and, through her, control the British Empire. The little King George V, first cousin to the late Emperor of the Germans and the Czar of the Russians, at present represents the German royal family as King of England and Emperor of India. He rules over every third person on earth and over almost every third square mile of land on earth. He is actually master of all the seas and is at the head of a government more powerful than any which ever before existed in all the history of mankind. Englishmen like to say that King George reigns but does not rule. That is true. The real ruling force is that handful of aristocrats who represent the landed feudal aristocracy of England and who form the most absolute, most arbitrary and most powerful autocracy the world has ever seen. ENGLAND MAKES OTHER NATIONS SUPPLY THE SOLDIERS. The history of England differs from that of every other country. No other country before her has reached her dominant place among the empires of the earth. Rome approached nearer to England than did any other country in similarity of methods by which she acquired world control. Her imperial motto, "Divide et Impera," marked the policy by which she subdued almost the entire world of her day and ruled the known world without a rival for centuries. But Rome acquired most of her power through her own soldiers. The generals who led her armies to victory were of Roman blood; the soldiers who swept everything before them on the field of battle were Roman legions, who found few who could stand before them. They risked their own lives, their own blood, for the quarrels of their country, in order that her will might be imposed upon other countries. England has improved on all this. She follows the Roman motto, but because England leaves the control of the policy of her government in the hands of her diplomats, other nations, other races, are made to supply the generals who win the battles, and the soldiers who bleed, in order that England may grow great. ENGLAND'S POLICY TAKES ADVANTAGE OF FRIEND AND FOE. The policy which had its beginning under Henry the Eighth has been consistently carried forward, subordinating every other interest to that of the growth of England and the extension of her power. It has been carried on through all the ages by every government which comes into power in England, no matter what its domestic policy may have been. Englishmen may differ upon domestic problems-upon questions of taxation, of education, of religion--but as against all foreigners they are a unit and their policy is always consistently to take advantage of all openings given them throughout the world, to make and unmake alliances, to make and break treaties, to take advantage of friend and foe in order to add to the wealth and power of England and to break down those who have stood against her. One of the results of this policy is seen to-day in the proud boast of England that the sun never sets on the British Empire. Her flag flies in triumph over territory in every continent and in most of the important islands of the seas. It is carried aloft as the flag controlling the power of every sea of the world. Her forts guard practically all the great narrow waterways of the earth, with the exception of the Panama Canal. Yet here, by reason of her extraordinary influence over American legislation, England has acquired for her commerce all the rights and privileges enjoyed by American commerce, although the Panama Canal belongs to us, was built by America and paid for by America's treasures. MOLDING PUBLIC OPINION OF THE WORLD. Another and, if possible, more important result of this policy of England is the extraordinary control she has gained over public opinion in every country in the world. Her soldiers have won battles for her on land, her admirals have won fights at sea, but these are as nothing when compared to the triumph of her diplomats. No group of men in the history of the world can compare in skill, in adroitness, in finesse, in influence, with the diplomats of England. The visible British Empire is an external monument of their triumph, but the invisible British Empire, with its control of influences in every government on earth, its thousand and one ways of making opinion through the press, the magaznes, the pulpits, the schools, of every race and in every clime, is a vaster, more far-reaching monument of their finesse, their adroitness, their ability to make black seem white. The Romans were satisfied with their triumph at arms. When their soldiers had beaten down those of the opponent, the generals and princes of the vanquished were brought to Rome and made to walk sub jugo through the streets, chained to the wheels of the chariot of the Roman Consul. The English diplomat, more skilled in human nature, more subtle, more farreaching in his plans, is not satisfied with such outward marks of triumph. He carries on a campaign throughout the world, to justify his actions, and, if possible, to ease his own conscience. As an example: 135549°-19-2 |