mitted by the English Government in Ireland, so that you may be informed. Copies of this letter have also been sent to Mr. Lansing, Secretary of State, for transmission to the Congress of the United States.

Respectfully,

AMERICAN COMMISSION ON IRISH INDEPENDENCE,
FRANK P. WALSH, Chairman.
E. F. DUNNE.

Similar letters were also sent to Messrs. David Lloyd-George, Bonar Law, the London Times, the Daily Mail, the Daily Herald, Manchester Guardian, the Morning Post, and other widely-known English newspapers.

AMERICAN COMMISSION TO NEGOTIATE PEACE,

Paris, 18, 1919. GENTLEMEN: Gen. Bliss has received your letter of 17 June, 1919, inclosing coply of letter of even date to the President in reference to conditions existing in Ireland, and has asked me to acknowledge its receipt, with his thanks.

Sincerely, yours,

W. B. WALLACE, Colonel, General Staff. AMERICAN COMMISSION ON IRISH INDEPENDENCE,

Grand Hotel, Paris.

AMERICAN COMMISSION ON IRISH INDEPENDENCE,
Paris, June 19, 1919.

THE AMERICAN COMMISSION TO NEGOTIATE PEACE,

Paris.

GENTLEMEN: We inclose to you herewith copy of letter this day forwarded to Hon. David Lloyd-George, British prime minister, relating to the case of Countess Markievicz.

If your honorable commission can officially or individually aid in securing the release of this worthy woman, we beg to assure you that the ends of Justice will be served thereby, and that it will be an act of humanity for which you will receive the kindly gratitude of many millions of people.

SIR: We desire to respectfully call your attention to the case of Countess Markievicz, and to enter our most solemn protest against the conduct of the British Government and its officials toward her.

On June 6, 1919, we had the honor to submit to you, for your official consideration and action as Prime Minister of Great Britain a report of certain atrocities and cruelties inflicted by the English army of occupation on the inhabitants of Ireland, with a demand for the appointment of a special committee of inquiry by the peace conference.

We have been advised that the Countess Markievicz, who is a member of the Irish parliament and minister of labor in the Irish republican cabinet, has been arrested and confined in jail upon an inconsequential charge; and that the punishment now being inflicted upon her is in the nature of a reprisal and in retaliation for giving information in regard to certain of the atrocities contained in our report.

We wish to point out that the Countess Markievicz is a woman of refinement, splendid intellectual gifts, courageous spirit, and of spotless character, and has a place deep in the affections of the people of Ireland as well as many millions in the United States.

During our interviews with the Countess Markievicz in Dublin a few weeks ago, we observed that while she is a woman of high spirit and strong will, her health is not robust, and we greatly fear that the harshness of jail life may result in her death.

Article 10 of the draft covenant of the league of nations is framed to secure national independence against the aggression of an external power. Its terms are as follows:

"The high contracting powers undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all States members of the league. In case of any eggression or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression the executive council shall advise upon the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled."

Ireland, as a nation that has declared its independence and is pledged to the principles of freedom, justice, and peace, desires to subscribe to the covenant of the league and to claim as against England the protection of article 10. I submit to the conference with profound respect that Ireland's claim is clear and can not with any shadow of justice be refused. Should it be rejected, the consequences would be as follows:

1. Ireland henceforth must rely for her deliverance wholly upon her own efforts. No such rule has been laid down with regard to any other of the smaller nationalities whose emancipation has been made the care of the conference.

2. Nations which never have denied the right of Ireland to freedom will deprive themselves for the future of the power of countenancing her claim, and will in consequence be bound, for the first time in history, to leave her unaided to her own resources as indicated in the preceding paragraph.

3. Article 10 will impose upon all nations as a condition of membership of the league the obligation to guarantee to Great Britain a title to the possession of Ireland and dominion over the Irish people.

Against the imposition of such slavery upon Ireland, and especially against the giving of such a guaranty of title to Great Britain, I enter on behalf of the people of Ireland, in whose name I have the honor to speak, the most emphatic protest.

Great Britain's title to Ireland rests solely upon "the military power of a nation to determine the fortunes of a people over whom they have no right to rule except the right of force."

The combined guaranty of such a title against the declared protest of Ireland would constitute a definite denial of "the principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether strong or weak," and without the acceptance of that principle no part of the structure of international justice can stand."

64

The guaranty of such a title would be subversive of "the reign of law based upon the consent of the governed and sustained by the organized opinion of mankind."

The guaranty of such a title would constitute recognition of the right of a strong power to serve its own material interest and advantage through the exercise of its "exterior influence and mastery."

The guaranty of such a title would give Great Britain a warrant to make a nation weaker than herself "subject to her purposes and interests." It would confirm the claim of Great Britain to rule and dominate the people of Ireland 44 even in her own internal affairs by arbitrary and irresponsible force."

Any guaranty under article 10 of territorial integrity and political independence as affecting Ireland can rightly enure only to the benefit of the people of Ireland themselves.

In the name, therefore, of the people of Ireland I ask that the Irish nation may be invited to give their adhesion to the covenant of the league of nations, and that membership of the league-a membership available under article 7, even to colonies who have freely and legislatively subscribed to the supremacy of the English Imperial Parliament-shall not be denied to the government of a free, independent Irish republic.

I have the honor to be, sir,
Your obedient servant,

SEAN T. O'KELLY,

Delegate of the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic.

MEMORANDUM IN SUPPORT OF IRELAND'S CLAIM FOR RECOGNITION AS A SOVEREIGN INDEPENDENT STATE.

Ireland is a nation not merely for the reason, which in the case of other countries has been taken as sufficient, that she has claimed at all times and still claims to be a nation but also because, even though no claim were put forward

on her behalf, history shows her to be a distinct nation from remotely ancient times.

For over a thousand years Ireland possessed and duly exercised sovereign independence and was recognized through Europe as a distinct sovereign state. The usurpation of the foreigner has always been disputed and resisted by the mass of the Irish people.

At various times since the coming of the English the Irish nation has exercised its sovereign rights as opportunity offered.

The hope of recovering its full and permanent sovereignty has always been alive in the breasts of the Irish people, and has been the inspiration and the mainspring of their political activities abroad as well as at home.

English statecraft has long and persistently striven in vain to force the Irish people to abandon hope. The English policy of repression, spiritual and material, has ever been active from the first intrusion of English power until the present day.

English policy has always aimed at keeping every new accretion of population from without separate from the rest of the nation, and a cause of distraction and weakness in its midst.

Nevertheless, the Irsh nation has remained one, with a vigorous consciousness of its nationality, and has always succeeded sooner or later in assimilating to its unity every new element of the population.

The Irish nation has never been intolerent toward its minorities and has never harbored the spirit of persecution. Such barbarities as punishment by torture, witch burning, capital punishment for minor offenses, etc., so frequent in the judicial systems of other countries, found no recognition in Irish law or custom. Twice in the seventeenth century-in 1642-1648 and in 1689— when, after periods of terrible persecution and deprivation of lands and liberty, the Irish people recovered for a time a dominant political power, they worked out in laws and treaties a policy of full religious equality for all dwellers in the island. On each occasion this policy of tolerance was reversed by the English power, which, on recovering its mastery, subjected the Irish race to further large confiscations of property, restrictions of liberty, and religious persecutions. More recently, notwithstanding the English policy of maintaining as complete a severence as possible, when Irish Protestants became attracted to the support of the national cause, the Catholics of Ireland accorded political leadership to a succession of Protestant leaders.

The Irish have long been a thoroughly democratic people. Through their chosen leaders, from O'Connell to Parnell, they have provided the world with a model of democratic organization in opposition to the domination of privileged classes.

If Ireland, on the grounds of national right and proved ability to maintain Just government, is entitled to recover her sovereign independence and that is her demand-the recognition of her right is due from other nations for the following reasons:

(1) Because England's claim to withhold independence from Ireland is based on a principle which is a negation of national liberty and subversive of international peace and order. England resists Ireland's demand on the ground that the independence of Ireland would be, as alleged, incompatible with the security of England or of Great Britain or of the British Empire. Whether this contention is well or ill founded, if it is admitted, then any State is justified in suppressing the independence of any nation whose liberty that State declares to be incompatible with its own security. An endless prospect of future wars is the natural consequence.

(2) Because England's government of Ireland has been at all times and is conspicuously at the present time an outrage on the conscience of mankind. Such a government, especially in its modern quasi-democratic form, is essentially vicious. Its character at the best is sufficiently described by a noted English writer, John Stuart Mill (Representative Government (1861) chapter 18): “The Government by itself has a meaning and a reality, but such a thing as government of one people by another does not and can not exist. One people may keep another as a warren or preserve for its own use, a place to make money in, a human cattle farm, to be worked for the profit of its own inhabitants. But if the good of the governed is the proper business of a government it is utterly impossible that a people should directly attend to it." Consequently the people of England devolve the power which they hold over Ireland upon a succession of satraps, military and civil, who are quite irre sponsible and independent of any popular control, English or Irish, and repre

Richard Dwyer, national vice president Ancient Order of Hibernians, South Boston, Mass.

Paul F. Spain, Cambridge, Mass., treasurer bench and bar committee, Boston, Mass.

James A. Dorsey, Boston, Mass., chairman finance committee, bench and bar committee, Boston.

Michael L. Fahey, Boston, Mass., secretary committee bench and bar.
Daniel H. Coakley, Boston, Mass., chairman committee bench and bar.
Joseph C. Pelletin, Boston, Mass., bench and bar committee.

Edw. F. McSweeney, Framingham, Mass., member national council, member advisory committee, Boston.

John J. McDonagh, New York, N. Y., delegate from the Archbishop Plunkett branch, Friends of Irish Freedom.

H. Miller, New York, N. Y., Archbishop Plunkett branch, Friends of Irish Freedom.

James E. Deery, Indianapolis, Ind., national president Ancient Order of Hibernians.

E. F. White, Chester, Pa.

Rossa F. Downing, Washington, D. C., Washington branch, Friends of Irish Freedom.

Wm. J. Boyle, Central Labor Union of Philadelphia, Pa.

N. J. Sinnott, Member of Congress from Oregon.

Daniel J. Moran, Lynn, Mass., recording secretary and director of publicity. (Mrs.) Honor Walsh, Germantown, Pa., editorial staff, the Standard and Guild.

Robert E. Ford, New York, N. Y., editor Irish World.

Patrick King, Catholic Young Men's Union, Philadelphia, Pa.

Patrick Fitzgerald, United Irish Societies of Western Pennsylvania.

Patrick Cronin, Duquesne University.

Thomas Lee, New York, N. Y.

William J. Noonan, 37 Raleigh Avenue, Richmond borough, City of New York. Thomas Rock, Central Federated Union, New York City.

Louis D. Kavanagh, president of Irish Self-Determination Club, Omaha. James O. Reilly, Philadelphia, Pa.

Joseph McGarrity, Philadelphia, Pa., chairman Irish Volunteer Committee. John J. Liddy, Indianapolis, Ind.

William H. Foley, Indianapolis, Ind.

P. J. Conway, president Irish-American Athletic Club, New York City. John H. Dooley, 535 West One hundred and twenty-first Street, New York, N. Y.; representative position, National Executive Committee, New York City. Annie Lester Lyons, delegate Yorktown branch, F. O. I. F., Norfolk, Va. Lawrence Craddock Lawless, delegate Yorktown branch F. O. I. F., Norfolk,

Va.

Margaret Elward Lawless, delegate Yorktown branch F. O. I. F., Norfolk, Va. James C. Gordon, president Yorktown branch F. O. I. F., Norfolk, Va. M. J. Lyons, vice president Yorktown branch F. O. L. F., United States deputy marshal's office, Norfolk, Va.

Henry McNally, president of Patrick Henry branch, Friends of Irish Freedom, Girard, Ohio.

Thomas F. Martin, secretary of state of New Jersey.

John Mannix, Glens Falls, N. Y.

Patrick O'Hagerty, Springfield, Mass.

Patrick J. Kennedy, Glens Falls, N. Y.

Rev. Joseph O'Keefe, Akron, Ohio.

J. B. Shannon, Kansas City, Mo.

Casinn J. Welch, Kansas City, Mo.
Martin Owens, Newark, N. J.

Rev. Thomas J. Hurton, Philadelphia, Pa., St. Enda's Gaelic School and St. Edna branch of the Gaelic League.

H. J. Phillips, Philadelphia, Pa., Robert Emmet branch, Friends of Irish Freedom.

J. T. Lawler, Norfolk, Va., member national committee, Friends of Irish Freedom.

Hugh Montague, Passaic, N. J., general contractor.

Roderick J. Kennedy, clerk Supreme Court State of New York.

D. J. Lawless, Marcellus Falls, N. Y.

R. E. O'Malley, Michael Davitt branch, Friends of Irish Freedom, Kansas City, Mo.

J. D. Turner, Baltimore, Md.

W. C. Walsh, Cumberland, Md.

Joseph B. Fitzgerald, member Wolfe Tone Club, Jersey City, N. J.

Jerome O'Keeffe, Jersey City, N. J.

John G. McTigue, New York, N. Y.

R. T. B. Kelly, Gardner, Mass.

James Tumulty, 646 Bergen Avenue, Jersey City, N, J., president of Wolfe Tone Club, Jersey City, N. J.

P. J. O'Donnell, Detroit, Mich.

D. Lynch, Utica, N. Y.

Miss Margaret Bowers, New York, N. I

John B. Burke, Gary, Ind.

William J. Maloney, Gary, Ind.

M. C. Ford, Oklahoma City, Okla.

Senator BRANDEGEE. Mr. Chairman, I suggest the absence of a quorum. I would like the record to state the names of those present. The CHAIRMAN. The clerk will call the roll.

The clerk called the roll and the following members answered to their names: Senators Lodge, Borah, Brandegee, Fall, Knox, Harding, Johnson, New, Moses, Swanson, and Pittman.

The CHAIRMAN. There are 12 Senators present, a quorum. Judge Cohalan, you may put on your next speaker.

Senator BORAH. Before that is done, Mr. Chairman, I want to make a suggestion with reference to the gentlemen who are still to address the committee. The argument has been made by the advocates of the league and by some of our colleagues that under the league of nations Ireland would have a better opportunity or a better chance of having her affairs settled in harmony with her aspirations than without it. You gentlemen having kept close tab, undoubtedly, upon the debate along that line of argument, will appreciate what I say. I would like to have some one address his attention to that feature of the question.

Judge COHALAN. That will be done during the course of the hearing. Mr. Chairman, I want to put in the record a memorial, with certain figures.

The CHAIRMAN. They will be printed, and as our time is limited, we will not take the time to read them now.

Judge COHALAN. Very well. Mr. Chairman, I am also going to file Ireland's declaration of independence along with other official documents, and some extension of my remarks.

(The extension of Judge Cohalan's remarks and the declaration of independence referred to are here printed in full, as follows:)

The great trouble with the mass of the people of America on the question of Ireland is their viewpoint on the Irish question. Without intending to be unfair, they take. for granted the justice of the English view. They find England, largely the mistress of the world and in many ways admitted to be the leader of modern civilization, in possession of Ireland.

They find, according to histories mainly written by England's friends, that she has been thus in Ireland for centuries, and they take it for granted that she must be there legally; that she is there as a matter of right. They take for granted, too, that in the evolution of civilization, in the making of history, that conditions required her to be there, and that England's claim to the overlordship in Ireland is a valid and just claim.

This view is strengthened by all the literature which most Americans ever read. The so-called English literature with which Americans come in contact usually rates England as the one great power which, through the centuries past, has been carrying aloft the torch of justice and progress into the dark corners of the world. So, it is not to be wondered at that many Americans are prone to think of England as the guiding star of civilization. educating and