confrence to secure for President Eamon de Valera and his colleagues on the Irish republic's peace commission a hearing before the peace conference at Paris; and for the expression of the Senate's sympathy with the aspirations of the Irish people to govern themselves. The following is the text of the communication in full:

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,

Washington, D. C.

SIR: We have the honor to inform you that the subjoined resolution was unanimously adopted by the Dail Eriann in session assembled in the Mansion House, Dublin, on 17th June, 1919.

Accept, sir, the assurance of our high esteem.

ARTHUR GRIFFITH, Acting President.
SEAN O'CELLEAGH, Speaker.

"The duly elected representatives of Ireland assembled in legislative session in Dublin, this 17th day of June, 1919, before taking up the business of the day, desire to record their appreciation of the action of the Congress of the United States in behalf of Ireland, and in particular of the following resolutions adopted by the Senate of the United States:

"That the Senate of the United States earnestly requests the American peace commission at Versailles to endeavor to secure for Eamonn de Valera, Arthur Griffith, and George Noble Count Plunkett a hearing before the peace conference in order that they may present the case to Ireland.

66

'And, further, the Senate of the United States expresses its sympathy with the aspirations of the Irish people for a government of their own choice.' "It is therefore resolved, That the elected government of Ireland be, and is hereby directed to convey the thanks of the Irish nation to the Congress of the United States, to declare that the people of Ireland cherish no designs upon the rights of territories of other nations, but ardently seek to live in cordial peace with, and as one of, the free nations of the world; and to assure the people of America that the ties of blood and friendship which subsisted between both nations in the days of their subjection to one common oppressor have endured and are indissoluble."

No. 11.

STATEMENT OF HON. EUGENE F. KINKEAD, FORMER MEMBER OF CONGRESS AND FORMER MAJOR, UNITED STATES ARMY.

I appeal to the Senate not to accept any covenant which would prevent this Nation from following its time-honored traditions in giving aid to peoples striving for independence. The covenant, as framed, would keep Ireland, Egypt, India, Korea, and colonies in South Africa in bondage. To accept it would defeat the purpose for which we entered the World War and align us on the side of autocracy and against the right of peoples to determine for themselves the character of government under which they shall live. This right we concede to Germany. Shall we deny it to Ireland? We can only judge the future by the past, and our knowledge of the Government of Great Britain, as distinguished from its great people, should convince all fair-minded Americans that the adoption of article 10 of the covenant will rivet anew the chains on Ireland. Seventy-five years ago President John Tyler declared that he was no half-way man regarding Irish independence. To-day 75,000,000 Americans demand that the covenant that shall form the basis of any league of nations shall embody the same principle.

No 12.

STATEMENT OF KATHERINE HUGHES, SECRETARY IRISH NATIONAL BUREAU. MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE: In 1916 hero hearts in Ireland again rose in armed rebellion and proclaimed, "In the name of God and of the dead generations from which she receives her old traditions of nationhood," that Ireland had a God-given right to freedom.

135549°-19——11

They fell-Ireland's latest of hero rebels-but in the travail of 1916 the Republic of Ireland was born. This Republic lives to-day, as truly a Republic as that of America in 1778, when its Congress, through its envoy, Franklin, pledged itself to aid in the liberation of Ireland if her oppression by England continued. This Republic of Ireland has to-day the recognition of but one State that of Russia as the American Republic in its infancy had only the recognition of France. The man who presides over the Congress of Ireland to-day was elected to that position by the unanimous vote of all the representatives of the Irish Congress, elected in their turn by the combined ballots of 75 per cent of the Irish Nation.

There is not in the world to-day a government more essentially "of the people, by the people, and for the people" than that of the Irish Republic, yet if America ratifies the peace treaty with its component league of nations, guaranteeing the integrity of the British Empire as it exists in international day, America would be guilty of aiding to suppress this government of the Irish people; it would be throttling Ireland's heroic expression of self-determination made by ballot last December in the face of an English army of occupation; it would be reforging England's chains on Ireland by increasing the "right of might" which alone keeps her bound to-day.

On the other hand, if America rejects this league of nations and its sections buttressing British imperialism, America will be free to give official recognition to the government of the Irish republic and so make Ireland to-day in the eyes of the whole world an independent nation. This a free America can do without a drop of bloodshed and with only a passing protest from England, so lately America's associate in a war for democracy.

If, however, America ratifies this treaty and component league, she will not be free to act as liberator of this gallant little country, which is the motherland of 20,000,000 in America-not free to be liberator of Ireland, which was first to come to the aid of America in her struggle for liberty-not free to be liberator of Ireland, whose president even now is America's gift to Ireland, for Eamonn de Valera was born under the folds of Old Glory.

This invaluable gift was renewed by America in 1916, when nothing but his American birth stood between Eamonn de Valera and the rifles of the executioners, who had taken the lives of his comrades in arms.

America has lately been associated in a great world war and has exchanged views with many other States, but I can not believe that America has sacrificed or will sacrifice one iota of its historic principles of liberty and the rights of national freedom, which make America to-day the hope of oppressed peoples everywhere.

America is true to the America of the past, and America will, I firmly believe, soon give Eamonn de Valera to Ireland a third time-not as a child of destiny nor as an imprisoned rebel, but as a victorious president. On that day America will not only give Ireland her president. She will also give to Ireland the priceless gift of freedom. She will reestablish Ireland in the eyes of the world as a sovereign nation.

No. 13.

STATEMENT OF MR. PATRICK J. LYNCH, OF INDIANAPOLIS, IND., CLERK OF THE SUPREME AND APPELLATE COURTS OF INDIANA.

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, citizens of Irish blood are appearing before your committee in the earnest hope that out of the great world conflict recently ended there may come, as a part of the fruits of victory, a fulfillment of the great principle of self-determination for all nations, weak and small, as laid down by President Wilson.

Throughout all the annals of civilization there is no parallel of the steadfast and continuous courage shown by the Irish people for more than 700 years, cherishing without intermission the hope and national aspiration of that freedom for which they have so often fought. Racially the Irish are a separate people; theirs is a national spirit; their country is their own, and has been wrested from them only by the power of might, not upon the great God-given principle of right.

At this time when the hopes and aspirations of all peoples, the world over, especially those long oppressed, is to gain their national freedom, and in the light of the charter enunciated by the President of the United States of the

right of all nations, great and small alike, to live under that form of government which they themselves want, and such hopes are being realized by younger nations, surely Ireland may, in truth and justice, ask that the centuries-long struggle in this dawn of the new era of making the world safe for democracy be ended forever.

No. 14.

JOINT STATEMENT OF REV. JOHN J. MORAN, OF YOUNGSTOWN, OHIO, AND CHARLES P. MOONEY, OF CLEVELAND, OHIO, REPORTING IN BEHALF OF THE STATE CONVENTION OF THE ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF OHIO.

GENTLEMEN OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE:

Ireland has, by its recent vote at the last parliamentary election held in that country, given expression to its demand for complete independence and voiced its opposition to a union with Great Britain by a vote of 1,516,779 in favor of an Irish republic as against 308,713 votes in favor of the union. As the men who advocated complete separation had been leaders of the revolution of 1916, and most of them had just been released from British prisons, because of their part therein, they squarely raised the issue of complete separation in their campaign for election. There can be no question raised that the Irish people misunderstood the issue involved in that election, It was an overwhelming majority of the people of Ireland expressing the right of self-determination and expressing their desire to establish an Irish republic and govern themselves.

Since that election, the executive officers have been elected and are now in a position to take over the government of that country and perform all of the functions of government so that the question of separation of Ireland from England is not one that may become a serious problem in the future. It is the present existing condition-a condition which has resulted in the occupation of Ireland by a large military force with all the paraphernalia of war. Large districts throughout Ireland have been occupied and the free movement of the people has been repressed in the same manner as the movements of the Belgians were repressed during the invasion of that country by Germany; in other words, Ireland to-day is in a condition of insurrection and England is using the same methods that were used by Germany when they occupied Belgium. The right of self-government of Ireland and the expression of the people for separation was supported by the American people as enunciated by our President that small nations desiring self-government and giving expression to that desire would have the protection of this great Republic in establishing a government suitable to their desires and wishes. The effect of article 10 of the covenant of the league of nations is to completely withdraw that promise of protection and to declare instead that we will not permit small nations, excepting such as were in possession of the enemy, to etablish and exercise the rights and functions of independent government.

The men who are fighting for the covenant of the league of nations as it now exists with article 10 included therein are as false to the principles under which we were asked to enter the war as a human being can be false to any principle, because in accepting article 10 we are doing the reverse of what we promised to do. You may ask what effect article 10 of the league of nations will have on Ireland. This question involves the present international status of Ireland as distinct from the wishes of the people as expressed in the last election. Under international law, Ireland is recognized as an integral part of the British Empire and I presume in considering article 10 you are bound to recognize her status as such. This being so, in adopting that part of article 10 which reads as follows:

"The high contracting parties undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all States members of the league. In case of any such aggression, or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression, the executive council shall advise upon the means by which the obligaton shall be fulfilled."

In other words, you are undertaking to pledge this Great Republic to continue Ireland as a part of the British Empire, and under article 11 you are placing in the hands of the countries party to this treaty, namely the United

States, Great Britain, Japan, France, and Italy, and such other countries as may become a party to the league, the power of determining for this body the necessity of entering into a war with any country that should attempt to assist the Irish people in their struggle for independence. This is not a possibility, as it has arisen in the history of Ireland in the last three centuries. In 1601 Spain landed armed officers in Ireland for the purpose of assisting the Irish people in securing its independence. If there had been a league of nations at the time, the league under articles 10 and 11 would be obliged to come to the assistance of England, and had we, when we obtained our independence, become a party to such league of nations, we would have been obliged to enter into war with France in 1798 when Napoleon sent Gen. Humbert with 6,000 men and landed in Killala Bay in Ireland for the purpose of assisting the Irish in securing independence. International conditions may bring about a similar situation at any time.

The effect of article 10 is to take out of the hands of the Congress of the United States the power to declare war and to place it in the hands of the high contracting parties to this covenant. In other words, the adoption of the covenant of the league of nations is a surrender or an attempt to surrender the power to declare war which is vested in the Congress of the United States. To my mind the insuperable obstacle of articles 10 and 11 is that he takes away from Congress the power of making war and places it in the hands of a body other than the Congress of the United States. The granted power to Congress by the States to declare war is a delegated one and is limited to the power expressly granted for such powers as may be necessarily implied from the granted power. The declaration in article 1, section 7, of our Constitution is, "The Congress shall hove power, among other things, to declare war."

This section does not say that this body shall have power to delegate the right to declare war to any other body. This can be done only by a constitutional amendment. An amendment transferring the power to declare war from Congress and give it to the high contracting parties in the league of nations.

I am here first as an American citizen to protest against the adoption of the league of nations; as an American citizen, a citizen of the State of Ohio and an accredited representative of the Ancient Order of Hibernians of Ohio, not only on the ground that such action would be unconstitutional, but on the larger ground that it is wholly immoral for this country, the leading Republic in the world, to endeavor to enter into an agreement which has for its object the repression of the rights of a liberty-loving people to decide for themselves the form of government under which they desire to live.

No. 15.

STATEMENT OF MATTHEW CUMMINGS, OF BOSTON, MASS., EX-NATIONAL PRESIDENT OF THE ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS.

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I believe that it is admitted by fair-minded men everywhere that Ireland is entitled to her freedom. The Governments of Australia and Canada have passed resolutions repeatedly in favor of Irish freedom. The labor organizations of England have gone on record demanding that justice be done to Ireland and that she should be allowed to determine her own form of government. The legislatures of a majority of the States in the Union have passed resolutions advocating Irish independence. The House of Representatives of the United States Government and later on the Senate of the United States, by a vote of 67 to 1 advocated freedom for Ireland and asked our representatives in Paris to see to it that Ireland got a hearing at the peace conference. The Irish race convention, representing 20,000,000 in America of Irish blood sent three commissioners to Paris for the purpose of having President Wilson and the American representatives at the peace coneference place the Irish question before that body.

The President on this country entering the war stated repeatedly that all nations must be granted the right to determine their own form of government, and more than a million American boys of Irish blood fought under the Stars and Stripes convinced that American success in the war meant also the freedom of the land of their ancestors. If the pledges made by our Government during the war are not carried out, a stigma will rest upon the splendid traditions of this

country. Therefore we appeal to you as the treaty-making power under the Constitution of our country to see to it that the pledges to small nations made by the Chief Executive in the dark hours of the war are fulfilled and that Ireland should be accorded the right of self-determination. We earnestly protest against the covenant of the league of nations and ask that it be rejected as a whole. We believe that it is impossible to amend it so as to protect American rights and sovereignty. We believe that in articles 10 and 11 of the cove nant of the league of nations is adopted Ireland would be deprived of her liberty for all time and that the people of that long-suffering country should be given an opportunity to lead their own life in their own way and under their own form of government, at peace with the world and established as an independent nation.

No. 16.

STATEMENT PRESENTED BY THE ADVISORY COMMITTEE OF THE IRISH VICTORY FUND, BOSTON, MASS.

The delegates to this hearing from Massachusetts, representing an overwhelming majority of the 875,000 persons in the Irish racial group in Massachusetts, wish to add their protest against the approval in any form of the proposed league of nations.

The enactment of this proposed league will accomplish effectually what the British Government has in various ways been trying to bring about for more than a generation, to wit, the creation of a supertreaty body, which will nullify the power of the whole people, as represented in the United States Senate, to pass on and approve treaties with foreign Governments.

We protest against this treaty because of its certainty of economic enslavement of the United States, with its inevitable consequence in unemployment and attending train of evils.

Because of its geographical isolation from the sources of raw material and the buying population of the United States, New England has a peculiar interest in the failure of the Paris conference to even mention, provide for, or to regulate the "freedom of the seas," and in thus doing has, as a result of the victory over the Central Powers, substituted the menace of British sea control, based on "navalism" for the "militarism" defeated through American inter

vention.

From the headquarters of Tory sentiment we appeal to the American spirit, which in the first part of the nineteenth century opposed a similar British attempt to control the seas and gave to the world the Monroe doctrine.

We appeal to the spirit which, in the forties, after the advent of the iron ship, met another English attempt to control the seas by building in 15 years the largest merchant marine up to that time ever produced in the world, and contrast this with this attempt in the proposed league of nations again to enslave the merchant marine of this country.

We appeal to the spirit which built the Panama Canal that our surplus products could have opened to them the markets of the Orient, and contrast it with the action which in 1913 removed by law the preferences to American shipping then obtained, and to-day in the Shantung outrage has closed to the trade of the United States a market of a half-billion souls.

We protest against British dominance over the cables and mail communications of the world, and refer the committee to the recent report of the United States Foreign Trade Council on this subject.

We refer the Senate committee to the report of the Senate investigation committee of 1913 on the operations of the alien shipping trust, the conditions then complained of and admitted to exist, which remain to-day to menace the commercial future and economic progress of the United States.

We respectfully suggest to your honorable committee that they investigate the stifling of American aspirations for freedom of the seas, through the influence in the various chambers of commerce and business organizations in the largest cities in the United States, of the paid agents of steamship companies, and others representing foreign shipping interests.

We respectfully suggest that before coming to a decision on this question your honorable committee make inquiry into the action during the war of the British Government, which, through "orders in council" not sanctioned by international law or the comity between friendly nations, committed numerous