The young lawyer is coming to see me again. You understand these men were elected on a pledge saying that they would not vote for Senator HANNA?

MAJOR. I know that.

BOYCE. It was a peculiar thing to get this man off Jones or Manuel. This man had pledged himself. This man had pledged himself to become elected. He has been afraid all the time, and is now afraid, of the Enquirer.

MAJOR. I do not think they will have much to say. heat of the discussion the whole thing will be wiped out. are in good shape. We have got the men with us.

During the
I think we

BOYCE. We want a clear majority for our side without any question. There is no doubt but what we will have 17 of the senators.

MAJOR. There ought to be 18. I don't see why Burke should not come in.

BOYCE. My man would like to have Mason for HANNA very much. You see Mason votes before he does. He couldn't raise a question then about it. If I will not come up there I will notify you. I shall see in an hour or two whether Lane or Droste are both here, or one of them. No one seemed to know last night and I couldn't find out. I shall know in an hour or two. The latest information is that Droste would nominate Gerrard.

MAJOR. I am to have a conference a little later, and then we will see what is to be done. I will let you know. Good-by.

The minority of the committee go on to say:

The telephone books in Cincinnati show that on January 9, at 11:18 a. m., Boyce, from telephone 548, talked to Rathbone in Columbus for ten minutes, at a cost of $2.50, while the books in Columbus show that on said day telephone 1092 at 11:15 a. m. called telephone 548 at Cincinnati, at cost of $2.50.

There was other evidence before the State Senate committee tending to show the intimate relations between Boyce and Mr. HANNA's managers, but it would carry this report to unnecessary length to quote it.

We think that the evidence to which we have already referred, standing as it does uncontradicted and unexplained, shows that certain of Mr. HANNA'S managers at Columbus not only knew the purposes which Boyce had in view in Cincinnati, but also that they aided, abetted, and advised him in carrying out these purposes, and that this state of affairs existed while Mr. HANNA was present at his headquarters.

This view is strengthened by two facts disclosed in the report of the State Senate committee:

First.

That many of the witnesses, whose testimony apparently

would have thrown much light upon the subject under inquiry, denied the jurisdiction of the committee and refused to testify under the advice of counsel, who stated that they represented the interests of Majors Rathbone and Dick and Senator HANNA; and

Second. That Mr. HANNA and his representatives had subpoenas sent them by mail, which seemed to have reached them, calling upon them to appear before the State Senate committee, to which they made

no response.

The report of the majority says they "do not doubt that if facts appeared from the report of the committee of the State Senate requiring the United States Senate, out of a proper regard for its own reputation, to take further testimony concerning Mr. HANNA'S election, it would be the duty of the Senate to proceed without waiting for further prosecution of the case coming from residents of the State of Ohio."

We think such facts do appear from the report of the committee of the State Senate, and that this body should direct further inquiry and investigation to be made.

Now, the report from the State Senate of Ohio, which comes here, recites in substance the facts which are recited in the report of the minority of the Senate committee; and the minority who signed the report which I have read was composed of Senators TURLEY, PETTUS, and CAFFERY.

Mr. President, these things are known to the American people. It will not do for the Senator from Ohio to stand up here and say that charges of this sort-if he answered all that were made he would not do much else-are unworthy of his consideration or notice. From the Senate of his own State come these charges; from a minority of the committee of this body came these charges; and yet the Senator from Ohio says they are unworthy of his notice; that they are little things. I believe a member of the House of Representatives from Ohio stated that a vast sum of money was collected to carry on the campaign of 1896, and that it would take a bigger one next time. I think I can turn to the record where he states the sum; and it runs into the millions. Where was the money got?

Mr. Havemeyer testified that he contributed to the campaign fund of the political parties. It is hard to get this testimony, of course. Men make armor plate at a profit of mil

lions upon millions, and the privilege is conferred upon them by a political party. Men build ships and say that they made vast contributions because of the enormous profits they expect to make. We deliberately pass a bill which allows this. Administration, on the eve of a political campaign, to make contracts for 35,000 tons of armor plate, most of which is not to be used until long after the campaign is over, and we fix a price so that there is a profit of $7,000,000 in the contract. We let it out to two concerns which are known to be in collusion. We let it out to them without competition. There is no doubt in the mind of any man who is familiar with the last campaign that from those people will come vast contributions for the coming campaign. What other sources are there? As I stated this morning, the beer people want to get rid of the war tax on beer. They are ready to negotiate and they are negotiating. They will give their contribution with a promise of relief next year.

There are so many of these things that it would take the time of one member of this body to reply to them, if he tried to reply, and therefore he will not reply; and he then undertakes to escape the damaging facts by saying they are unworthy of his notice. Oh, Mr. President, men who engaged in these things, when exposed, can make no other answer. They must say, "Oh, it is too small a matter in the course of my great life." Bribery and corruption, collection of funds for corrupt purposes, the securing of legislation in order that funds may be enlarged in quantity. A little matter of $400,000 is hardly worth the notice of men engaged in such transactions. So we are to be called upon to pass legislation, extravagant legislation, in order that funds may be collected.

It would be better if we would simply pass a bill saying that so many million dollars shall go to the Republican party out of the Treasury to conduct its campaign, and thus save the difference between the amount they set and the amount that goes in profit to the contractors in excess of what they are rightfully entitled to.

I did not care to get into this controversy, but there is more of it. I am not at all afraid of Senators staying here and dis

cussing it just as long as they want to discuss it. There are many more things that can be said and told in regard to these transactions, but I do not care further to take the time of the Senate.

CHAPTER XXI

WHO PAYS THE TAX?

The Senate having under consideration the report of the committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses upon the bill (H. R. 10100) to provide ways and means to meet war expendi

tures

M

tax.

R. PETTIGREW said:

MR. PRESIDENT: 1 I do not care to discuss the bill, but I propose briefly to show who will pay the

We are all agreed, no matter what our political belief may be, that money enough should be raised to carry on the war. There is no conflict upon that question, yet we have discussed the revenue bill for weeks. And why? Simply because we differ as to how the money shall be raised. We say, and by the amendments we often have shown, that we desire to have the accumulated wealth of this country pay its share of the burden. The majority say, "We will levy a per capita tax; we will lay the burden upon the people of this country, the toiling masses; not upon wealth, but upon consumption, upon the individual." Your policy is that by which a man with $100,000,000 pays the same share of the burden of this war as his coachman who works for $1 a day.

That is one of the issues in this contest; that is one of the questions upon which there is disagreement and one of the reasons why we refuse to support this bill.

You say we will issue interest-bearing bonds. We say no more bonds shall be issued until the necessity arises and that the necessity has not come yet. We say we will issue $150,000,000 in currency. You say the currency is necessary, but

1. Speech in the Senate June 10, 1898.