tion among any people. I believe that it is the Nation's duty to encourage that varied industry which will enable every talent among its people to be developed to its fullest extent.

Because I refused to vote for 185 per cent. duty on woolen goods, the Senator from Connecticut stands up here to say that I am a protectionist only in spots. Because I refused to vote for 700 per cent. duty on the lower grades of silk, used by the poor people of this country, the Senator from Connecticut says I am a protectionist only in spots.

Well, if to be a protectionist all over a man must vote for 700 per cent. duty on the cheaper articles and for 10 per cent. on the higher priced articles that are used by the rich, I am only a protectionist in spots. If to be a protectionist I must vote for an extra duty on sugar purely and absolutely in the interest of the most corrupt and demoralizing trust ever organized in this country, at the behest and dictation of a political caucus, then I am a protectionist only in spots. If I must vote for every trust, if I must vote for every combination, vote special privileges to the few, high rates of duty, differential duty, in order that they may be encouraged in their raids upon the people of this country, then, Mr. President, I am not a protectionist all over.

Is the Republican party a protection party? Why, Mr. President, the issue of protection has departed from our politics. When New England made her trade with the cotton Democrats of the South for the purpose of putting a duty on cotton, thinking to break up the solid South, she abandoned the only principle, the only issue, that gave the party character, and it has left you nothing with which to fight the next campaign. All the Republican party stands for to-day, inasmuch as protection is no longer an issue and the South is broken up, is as the champion of the trusts and the gold standard, as the special representative of the classes against the

masses.

The Red Cross regards your position and standing to be such as to make your views on the progress and value of the 19th century, in comparison with other countries and your prophecies regarding the 20th century of great value, and we respectfully request you to forward to us at your earliest convenience from 40 to 70 words in your own handwriting, giving your thoughts in that connection. We shall read them at all of our meetings throughout the United States, and afterwards allow the United States Government to take them and forever exhibit and preserve them in the Congressional Library at Washington.

An engraved invitation is being prepared, one of which will be mailed to you, but the time is short, and we take this method to expedite matters, and hope you will send in your "Greeting" before December 1st, if you can do so.

We prefer to have the "Greeting" in your own handwriting rather than typewritten because we wish to have each "Greeting" in autograph form when turned over to the government for preservation for all time.

To the American National Red Cross:

During the century just closed, mankind has made marvelous progress in his control over the forces of Nature, and in the production of things which contribute to his physical comfort.

The early years of the century marked the progress of the race towards individual freedom and permanent victory over the tyranny of hereditary aristocracy, but the closing decades of the century have witnessed the surrender of all that was gained to the more heartless tyranny of accumulated wealth. Man's progress has heretofore been material and not spiritual or ideal and the future alone can demonstrate whether any real progress has been made.

I believe the new century will open with many bloody revolutions as a result of the protest of the masses against the tyranny and oppression of the wealth of the world in the hands of a few, resulting in great progress towards socialism and the more equal distribution of the prod ucts of human toil and as a result the moral and spiritual uplifting of the race.

Washington, D. C.,

Nov. 22, 1900.

R. F. PETTIGREW.

APPENDIX VIII

THE PRESS

When the reduction in the cost of refining sugar since 1886 is taken into consideration, when we take into consideration the cheaper labor, cheaper material of every kind, which can be had to-day than in 1886, this increase between the cost of raw and refined sugar shows how perfectly and how completely the trust have been able to manipulate and control the market.

Everybody knows the facts; and yet, Mr. President, the great newspapers of this country constantly circulate the story that the trust has caused a decline in the price of sugar, knowing, as they do, that their statement is untrue; but the trouble is that the great corporate newspapers of this country are owned by special interests and run in those interests, or they sell their editorial columns for cash for any interest that may come along.

They are anonymous; they have no character; no one is behind them. They hire men to write editorials who write against their convictions, the same as a man hires a lawyer to try his case. They retail these falsehoods for the purpose of influencing the people of this country in behalf of the special interests which they always represent, sometimes because their stock is owned by men whose interests are promoted thereby; and their editorials are ordered from the business office, oftentimes by men who do not and can not speak the English language; and again the editorial columns are sold, purchased, for the purpose of promoting an interest for which they receive pay. The people of this country are rapidly finding out this fact. The great newspapers of this country are gradually losing the influence which they never had the right to possess in any particular.

Speech in the Senate, June 10, 1898.

a new censor, although we had told him that would not be the slightest relief unless the system was changed, and he promised to keep the censor fully posted on all events, an arrangement which he has not carried into execution.

There were two or three days of improvement and greater liberality in the censorship; then it dropped into the old rut. One of our complaints had been that Otis himself was practically the censor; that whenever we presented stories which the censor had doubts concerning the policy of, or dealing with matters he was ignorant of, he would send us to Otis, and we often wasted hours waiting in an anteroom and then perhaps were unable to secure an audience. asked him to give the censor exclusive jurisdiction in the field and keep him posted on all events, giving him access to official reports from the front. This he declared would be impossible. Therefore we sent the telegram.

We

General Otis had complained of the language as an accusation of deliberate falsehood. We assured him we had no intention of conveying the idea that he had reported to Washington anything he did not believe to be true, and we softened the language to avoid the possibility of any such construction. He also said that the War Department had made public only the more optimistic of his reports, and we amended the dispatch to make plain that we referred only to those reports which the Department had given out. I inclose a copy of the original version.

We were entirely ignorant when we sent the message that something like an agitation against the policy in the Philippines was then afoot in America. So far as I can learn our action met the entire approval of every one in Manila except Otis and the members of his personal staff who would feel bound to support him under any conditions.

The position of the newspaper correspondents here is, as it has been from the beginning, most difficult.

Otis had closed to us every possible source of information. Only yesterday when I attempted to send a report of the bombardment of Paete, the truthfulness of which was unquestioned, he immediately sent for Lawton, and demanded to know how it had been made public, and told Lawton to jump on the members of his staff.

Such strict orders against talking to newspaper men have been repeatedly issued that when we go about headquarters the officers avoid us as though we had smallpox, because they are afraid to be seen talking with us. Otis refuses to give us passes to go about the city after the closing hour (8.30) although such passes are given to the reporters on local papers and to business men of all nationalities, even Filipinos. All of the privileges extended to newspaper men in Cuba, like the privilege of the Government telegraph wires and access to tele