administration that had "passed the Rubicon, broken its bridges and burned its boats," these figures could have but one meaning. Acceptance of Lord Dunkellin's motion meant abandonment of the principle of the Bill, and that was of course equivalent to resignation. Mr. Gladstone announced on the 25th of June that Ministers had tendered their resignations, but that her Majesty hesitated about accepting them. In accordance with the inconvenient custom which has been introduced of late years, the Queen was at Balmoral, but finding that her presence was essential, she was already on her way to Windsor. On the following day Mr. Gladstone was able to announce to the House that her Majesty had been pleased to accept the Ministerial resignations, and to move that at its rising the House should adjourn until the following Thursday (28th of June).

The negotiations concerning the formation of the new Ministry naturally occupied a considerable time, and in their course, as Lord Derby explained in the House of Lords, overtures were made to the discontented Whigs whose votes had practically turned out the Government-the Adullamites as Mr. Bright had felicitously nicknamed them-with the view of bringing about an association of that party with the new Administration. Happily for the country the independent Liberals with Earl Grosvenor at their head refused to join in the suggested arrangement, though a disinterested support to the new Government was promised. While these negotiations were going on within doors a great agitation was got up without, and the excited Liberal politicians of Clerkenwell Green and similarly enlightened districts made London hideous with demonstrations and processions. On the night

Again Returned for Buckinghamshire.

255

of the 29th of June, the first of the long line of Trafalgar Square demonstrations was held, when about 10,000 of the great unwashed who never had had and never were likely to have votes met to groan for the Tories and cheer for Mr. Gladstone. The old miserable business of 1830 seemed on the point of being renewed, and the Whig Reform Bill, all undigested as it was, of being carried as Mr. Bright had suggested that it should by force of mob intimidation.*

Mr. Disraeli went down into Buckinghamshire for re-election, and as a matter of course was returned unopposed. The proceedings were purely formal, and the speech in which he addressed his constituents was formal also. On the question. of reform he simply said that he thought the new Government quite as competent to deal with the subject as the old, and he reminded his constituents that his Bill of 1859 was the only attempt to settle the question of which anyone spoke with respect, and the only one which ardent Liberals had expressed their regret at not having seen carried. The whole proceedings were finished before luncheon time, and Mr. Disraeli returned to town in time to take the oaths and his seat as Chancellor of the Exchequer in Lord Derby's third Administration on the 16th of July, 1866.

*See a letter from Mr. Bright, read at a Reform Demonstration at Birmingham on the 26th of March in this year. After declaring that "Parliament is never hearty for reform or for any good measure," and after describing the Opposition as "a dirty conspiracy," the member for Birmingham continued: "You know what your fathers did thirty-four years ago, and you know the result. If Parliament Street, from Charing Cross to the venerable Abbey, were filled with men seeking a Reform Bill, as it was two years ago with men come to do honour to an illustrious Italian, these slanderers of their countrymen would learn to be civil if they did not learn to love freedom."

CHAPTER XI.

THE REFORM MINISTRY.

Lord Derby unwilling to accept office, but consents-The new Administration a strong one- -Mr. Disraeli begins with a supplementary vote of credit-End of the Session-The Royal Speech-Reform agitation-Mr. Stuart Mill's speech-The Hyde Park riot-The Reform League-Mr. Bright on the House of Commons-Leicester, the glass-blower and "Constructive abdication "Lord Beaconsfield's unpopularity-The Session of 1867— Queen's Speech and debate on the Address-Work of the New Administration-Reform-Not a question to decide the fate of Ministries-Lord Beaconsfield's speech on the Resolutions-The Resolutions-Boroughs and Counties-The Conservative sacrifice-The House and the Speech-Opposition to the Resolutions-" Forcing the hand" of the Government-Cabinet dissensions-Resignations of Lord Carnarvon, Lord Cranborne, and General Peel-The Cabinet "reverts to its original policy "-The new Reform Bill-Details Popular privileges and democratic rights-The policy of the Opposition-Opinions of the Press-Mr. Bright and the Residuum-Not numbers, but fitness, the principle of the Bill-Mr. Gladstone's opposition -The Budget of 1867-Popular opinion of it—The Reform Bill again—The Liberal instruction-Its collapse-The Reform Bill in Committee-Mr. Beresford Hope and his "Batavian Grace"-Mr. Gladstone's ResolutionsThe Division-The Recess-The Compound Householder-Mr. Gladstone's charge of "fraud and dissimulation "-"The invective of Torquemada and the insinuation of Loyola "-The Scotch Reform Bill-Mr. Disraeli's rebuke to Mr. Gladstone-The reply of "Atticus"-Mr. Bernal Osborne's opinion of Lord Beaconsfield-Extinction of the Compound Householder-Lord Cranborne on the Conservative leaders-Lord Beaconsfield's last speech on the Reform Bill-Third reading of the Bill-Conservative opposition to Reform-End of the Session-The Mansion House banquet-Lord Beaconsfield's speech-A quiet autumn-Lord Beaconsfield at Edinburgh-His letter to the Times-The "Conservative surrender "-On the Irish Church-The new Session-The Queen's Speech-The Abyssinian War-The Fenians at Clerkenwell prison-Bribery and corruption-Lord Derby retires-Mr.

Lord Derby's Position.

257

Disraeli Premier-The Press on the event-The Chelmsford incidentWelcome of Mr. Disraeli in Westminster Hall-Opening speech-Mr. Maguire on Ireland-Mr. Neate's amendment-Mr. Disraeli closes the Debate-The Church and the Nation-Mr. Gladstone's Resolutions on the Irish Church-Mr. Disraeli's letter to Lord Dartmouth-Lord Stanley's amendment-Lord Beaconsfield on Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Lowe-Result of the Debate-Lord Beaconsfield attacked by the Press-Appeals to the country-Mr. Ayrton as censor morum-Mr. Bright's personal attack-The tactics of the Opposition-Mr. Gladstone's letters-Dinner at Merchant Taylors' Hall-Mr. Disraeli's speech-Factious opposition to the Government-Lord Beaconsfield and John Leech's family-Prorogation and the Queen's Speech-Lord Mayo's appointment-Address to Bucks electorsTory finance-Organization of the War Office-Religion and civilization— Fenianism and English Liberalism-The elections and their results-Mr. Disraeli's speech at Aylesbury-Mrs. Disraeli becomes Lady Beaconsfield-Results of the elections-Mr. Disraeli retires-Mr. Gladstone is sent forThe spoils to the victor.

LORD DERBY had not at first been very willing to undertake the task of forming an Administration. His health was notoriously far from good, and personally he was never an ambitious man. So long as Lord Palmerston lived-the Conservative chief of a Liberal Administration-he was perfectly content to occupy the position of leader of a compact Opposition, by the aid of which that noble Lord was able to keep in check his more impetuous adherents. When, however, the death of Lord Palmerston threw the Government into the hands of Earl Russell the situation was altered, and a more active Opposition became not merely practicable but necessary. In the first place Lord Russell had made a great mistake in introducing a Reform Bill in the first Session of the new Parliament; in the second he left out of his calculations the amount of support which had been given to Lord Palmerston personally at the last general election; in the third he had blundered in bringing in his Bill in a fragmentary and imperfect fashion, and

VOL. II.

finally he had blundered still more in trying to force his Bill upon the House of Commons by the declaration that its rejection would be treated as equivalent to a vote of want of confidence. The natural result followed: the Government went out and Lord Derby was the only statesman to whom her Majesty could turn, and in fact the only possible Minister at the time. The want of a majority in the Commons was a very serious drawback, however, and one which for a time threatened to make shipwreck of the new Administration. Happily the promise of independent support from the old Whigs in both Houses of Parliament overcame the difficulty, and the Ministry was formed, though without any popular enthusiasm. The Times fancied that they might possibly endure for a twelvemonth, when they certainly would be defeated, would appeal to the constituencies in the autumn and be defeated again in the following spring. The leading journal was, however, not indisposed to give a fair trial to the new Government. It fully recognized their strength, especially at the War Office, but it laid some little stress upon the fact that although the constitution of the Government promised good administration of the affairs of the country, "no Government can live upon administration alone. It must," the article continued, "have a policy and for the policy of the Ministry we have yet to seek." The uncertainty was soon to be set at rest.

It was certainly a strong Administration, including as it did Lord Chelmsford as Chancellor, Lord Stanley at the Foreign Office, Lord Carnarvon at the Colonies, Lord Cranborne for India, General Peel for War, Mr. Disraeli at the Exchequer, Sir Stafford Northcote at the Board of Trade, Mr. Gathorne Hardy at the Poor Law Board and Sir John Pakington at the