should not do, not by punishing them, which passage he himself, in following but by enabling any scoundrel to plunder the noble Marquess, read to the House. them-by granting him complete immunity He was at the time under the impression for acts which in any other case would be that he was quoting from a duplicate of a severely punished. The Legislature should paper in the hands of the noble Marquess; not employ the vices of mankind, but their but he had since received a communication virtues, to carry out its intentions. It from him to the effect that he was miswould have been infinitely better for these taken in that impression, and that the societies to have punished their officers document used by the noble Marquess did criminally, than to put the societies them- not contain the sentence in question, and selves out of the protection of the law. he had therefore no hesitation in retracting the charge founded upon it which he had made, and in admitting that no charge could arise out of it against the noble Marquess. MR. BARROW said, that trades unions had been sailing under false colours, and had called themselves friendly societies, when, in fact, they were political associations. The Judges had declared that their rules were contrary to law; and now the House was asked to restore rights which never existed; for the object of the Bill was to enable societies to recover from their officers monies levied for illegal purposes. It would be better, in his opinion, that the Bill should be withdrawn. And it being a quarter of an hour before Six of the clock, the Debate was adjourned till To-morrow. House adjourned at ten minutes HOUSE OF LORD S, Thursday, April 11, 1867. MINUTES.-PUBLIC BILLS-First Reading ment * (71). Third Reading-Canada Railway Loan (73), and passed. CHURCH OF ENGLAND-RITUALISTIC PRACTICES. PERSONAL EXPLANATION. THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH said, that in the course of the discussion raised by the noble Marquess (the Marquess of Westmeath) on Tuesday last on the subject of Ritualistic Practices in the Church of England, he was reported to have said that the noble Marquess had omitted to read an important passage from a document which he had in his possession, and CANADA RAILWAY LOAN BILL—(No. 73.) (The Duke of Buckingham and Chandos.) THIRD READING. Order of the Day for the Third Reading read. THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM, in moving that the Bill be now read the third time, said, it was not a measure emanating from Her Majesty's present Government, but was for the completion of negotiations which had been carried on with successive Governments for many years past. The proposal contained in the Bill was, that this country should guarantee the interest of a loan of £3,000,000 for the construction of the Intercolonial Railway. When the proposal first assumed a definite form, some six years ago, the contemplated arrangements were of a complicated character, owing to the necessity of dealing with three separate colonies, and determining as to what proportion of the loan was to be guaranteed by each Province, and as to the works to be undertaken by each Province. But the Act which had already passed through the Imperial Parliament, and received the Royal Assent that Session, had simplified that question by reducing the arrangement to one between the Imperial Government and the confederated Provinces. The guarantee had therefore taken the shape of a simple guarantee by this country to the one Dominion of Canada, and an engagement by Canada that, before that guarantee was. given, the confederate Provinces would, by an Act of the new confederate Parliament, sanction and authorize the construction of a railway, the charge on the consolidated revenues of Canada of the interest of the loan, with a sinking fund which has been agreed at 1 per cent per annum on the total amount of the capital gua ranteed; and also of the charge-which | few days at the commencement of the snow, was one of considerable importance or at the break up of the frost; but all the upon the consolidated revenues of Canada, experience of the results of the working next after the charges of the interest and of the Canadian and American railways the sinking fund, of whatever sum might showed that afterwards there was hardly be necessary (beyond the £3,000,000 gua- any other stoppage of the traffic throughranteed), for the completion of the railway, out the year. It was quite unfounded to without any Imperial guarantee. It was assert that this guarantee was given as a unnecessary at that stage to enter into bribe to Canada to enter into the Conthe question of the merits or demerits federation of the Provinces. It had never of the particular scheme. Originating as been the policy of this country to enter it did in the first instance in the decision into engagements of such a kind. The of the then Government of this country proposal for the Confederation was brought that it was essential that a line of com- forward by the Provinces themselves with munication should be constructed to con- a view to develop the commerce and renect Canada with a port under the control sources of the country, and they might and dominion of the Imperial authorities, fairly ask the assistance of the mother it had never ceased to be an object of country to aid in a measure which would solicitude on the part both of the Pro- strengthen their means of self-defence. vinces and of the Imperial Government Ample security, in the ordinary sense of that the scheme should be brought to the word, had been offered that this loan completion. That original project of a should be repaid, and that no undue charge military road to be constructed at the sole or heavy burden should fall on this coun cost of the Imperial Government had been try. It was impossible to give a guarantee gradually developed into the scheme which without being liable to the extent of that it was now proposed should be completed, guarantee; but those who brought forward of a railway communicating between the the measure had satisfied themselves that Canadian system of railways and the port it would not ultimately impose any burden of Halifax. Up to the time of the agree on the taxpayers of this country. No ment for a confederation between our one could doubt that this Intercolonial North-American Provinces it might have Railway would lead to such a development been very fairly argued that Canada had of the resources of the country, and to no such great interest in that scheme such an increase of the population, that it as would have induced her to complete would enable the inhabitants of the colony it, because her commerce, if it passed to bear the taxation required to meet the over the proposed railway to the sea, guarantee almost without feeling it. A would still have had to pass over a line former guarantee of one-half the amount and to a port which was not in her own now asked for, but given at a time when hands. But the Confederation between the population and revenues of Canada the different Provinces now changed the were much smaller, and given, moreover, position of Canada in that respect, and at a period of great depression, had been by the completion of the Intercolonial repaid in full a considerable period before Railway, Canada would obtain a commu- it was really and strictly due, and had nication with the sea at Halifax, passing been repaid not with borrowed money, but entirely through a country and to a port out of the revenue of the colony. After under her own control. Looking at the the examination and scrutiny which this progress which Canada had made during measure had undergone from the late the last thirty years, the importance to Duke of Newcastle, and many of his that colony of having a communication predecessors, and also from the House of between her system of railways and a Commons, he felt confident that their seaport under her own control could Lordships would not refuse their assent to hardly be over-rated. It had been said this measure; but would, by sanctioning the that this railway, even if made, would loan, enable the Provinces to commence, pass through an inhospitable country, with the new system of Government, and with a scanty population and few re- with the establishment of the Confedera sources, and that it would be closed tion, a work which they and the Imperial during many months of the year; but Government had pronounced essential for there had been no evidence of this. There the development of their resources, and might be times during which a railway which was necessary to give them the in that country would be closed for a undivided control and power over that which would be to the sea through a great portion of the year their only access. Moved, "That the Bill be now read 3a." -The Duke of Buckingham.) did not believe the United States were be embroiled with the United States it LORD LYVEDEN said, he did not intend to oppose the Bill, although he enter-aggression. Moreover, if we should ever tained strong objections to its principle. Coming as it did before their Lordships as a loan Bill, they were almost incapable of introducing any Amendments into it. The noble Duke had referred to the approval of this scheme by preceding Governments; but when Minister after Minister of both parties had proposed such schemes as the present, it beloved those who did not belong to either of those Ministries to look all the more sharply into similar proposals. It was idle to talk of a guarantee of this kind not involving any real burden; because, as had been said by one of our greatest financiers, if the Government went into the money-market and attempted to borrow money, after having given such a guarantee, they could not do so on such favourable terms as if no such guarantee had been given. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Adderley) in introducing the Bill in the other House adopted an apolo-true that they offered a gallant resistance to getic tone, admitting that such guarantees the Fenian raids; but he understood that were objectionable, and that this was a de- they had done little or nothing towards the viation from the policy which had been fortification of Montreal, which it had been pursued by successive statesmen, but argu- agreed should be undertaken by them, ing that the case was exceptional. He while we bore the cost of fortifying Quebec. (Lord Lyveden) was at a loss, however, to The defence of the colony ought to rest on discover any exceptional circumstances the public spirit of the people and on their which were always suspicious. The pre- determination to repel aggression from any amble of the Bill stated that the railway quarter; but as long as we went on lendwould conduce to the welfare of Canada, ing them money and guaranteeing their and would promote the interests of the loans, it was hardly in human nature to British Empire; it had not, however, expect that they would show any selfyet even been decided what route should reliance. We had withdrawn our troops be adopted, and the lines which had been from New Zealand, and, according to Sir constructed as commercial speculations had George Grey, the results had been most not proved remunerative. He could only salutary; but a contrary policy towards conclude, therefore, that what was meant Canada would incite the people to extort was the defence of Canada. This was a money from the mother country, for they difficult subject; but he believed the ma- would know that they had only to raise the jority of military authorities-and he was bugbear of an American invasion in order speaking in the presence of an illustrious to procure immediate assistance. As long Duke who was the highest military autho- as we let it be understood that war with rity-were of opinion that the proposed Canada meant war with England, we railway would not answer that purpose, offered a temptation to the United States and that the defence of such a line of to threaten our frontier, and encouraged frontier as that of Canada would be im- the colonists to rely upon us instead of possible without more fortifications and upon themselves. more men. Such a defence could only be directed against the United States. Now, he objected to this continual introduction of this question of defence; for though he EARL RUSSELL: My Lords, I heard my noble Friend who has just sat down say that it was very unwise to be constantly calling out that Canada was defenceless. I quite agree with my noble Friend; but, | 400,000 men who could be always sent if that be so, I think your Lordships have under one of the great Marshals of the reason to complain of my noble Friend's Empire against her, and Portugal must speech, which dwelt chiefly on that very have been lost. But we, too, had a great theme. I confess I am apt to think that, general; but, above all, we had spirit and though there may be difficulties in such a determination to defend Portugal, because course, and that such a course may pro- she was our friend and ally, and that demise small advantages and great risk, yet fence succeeded. There still remains the we are bound, from a feeling of national treaty; there still remains Portugal; and honour, to support our colonists, who are I defy you to say that the defence of subjects of our Queen, in carrying out their Canada is a bit more difficult than the loyal views, and it is quite possible that the defence of Portugal at that time. I will difficulties which stand in the way of our not attempt to show the way in which we doing so may be overcome. It is not for could defend Canada-that is a question me to say what may be the military defence for military authorities. But there is this of Canada. We all know that there is a great consideration-which affects all the very extensive frontier to be defended, and Powers of the world-that a State, howthat the United States are very populous; ever great, has often a difficulty to enand we have seen of late years that they counter which may make her hesitate to go can place on foot an immense and efficient to war; because, although conquest may be army in a short time. All this is known apparently easy, it may lead to other wars, to all the world; it does not require that or may excite jealousy and hostility of we or the United States should proclaim other Powers. Therefore, a country which it; and the passing of this Bill cannot be may be disposed to enter upon a war of considered as the proclamation of any fact aggression is often deterred from doing so. of which the Americans are not already I do not know, for instance, that any one cognizant. Still, we have seen that a could say that Belgium would be able to country like this may be able to accom- resist the whole power of France if directed plish very difficult things. The defence of against her, or that Sweden could resist Canada would, no doubt, be very difficult; the power of Russia if turned against her. but it has often occurred to me that if our But there is a sense among great Powers ancestors had acted upon the same timid that an unprincipled aggression solely for views which some persons entertain, the state the sake of ambition may be the cause of of things would now be very different. If, very great misfortunes to the people that for instance, our statesmen about a century make it. These attempts, therefore, that and a half ago thought it right to defend seem so easy from a military point of view Portugal, a small country having a com- are not attempted. That appears to me paratively extensive frontier conterminous to be something like the position of the with Spain, and did it with success, the United States in relation to Canada. My defence of a colony like Canada may not be noble Friend has said that if we have any Bo hopeless as my noble Friend supposes. honour among us an unprincipled attack Portugal was apparently at the mercy of upon Canada would give rise to a war beSpain. But Spain was not the only coun- tween us and the United States. That is try which Portugal had to dread. France a motive, and I trust long will be a motive, was afterwards united with Spain by a family with the United States for refraining from compact, and both those countries were able such an attack. It is impossible not to see to throw a seemingly overwhelming force that the United States must be sensible upon Portugal, which there was every like that in a war with England they should lihood of their being able to overrun and con- have to take the chances which might occur quer. Nevertheless, we kept to our treaty-the chances of great loss, of immense with Portugual, and we were always ready to give her assistance. It might be said that there were difficulties which both France and Spain had to encounter in carrying out their designs against Portugal. But there came a time when the Sovereign of France was the greatest general of modern times, and had the largest armies at his disposal. You would think, then, that the case was quite hopeless, for here were 300,000 or cost-and, probably, at the end of the war, the United States might not be in possession of Canada, and might not have been in any sense gainers by the war. These are considerations which affect statesmen and rulers; and thus the safety of weaker States is secured, which otherwise would appear hopeless. My noble Friend says we must take away our troops from Canada, as we have done from New Zealand and other colonies. But it is to be observed with regard to New Zealand, the Cape, and every other colony of ours, that we have no great land frontier exposed to attack, and that no one of our colonies except Canada has a great State bordering on it. Therefore, it may be wise to keep troops in Canada even when we withdraw them from New Zealand. For my own part I think it wise, and great military authorities have been of the same opinion. I do not think it would be good policy to leave Canada without defence. Undoubtedly we expect that when these different colonies of North America enter into confederation, and comprise a population of 4,000,000 under one Government, they will furnish a sufficient army to defend themselves; but, at the same time, we must give them certain assistance and encouragement. There is no doubt that at the first blush it would appear a very difficult thing indeed if you were on unfriendly terms with the United States, to defend Canada from aggression. But, for my own part, it seems to me that, having the New World open to her, the United States are very likely to spread their colonization rather to the West and South than to the North. I do not expect, therefore, unless there be cause for it on other grounds, that the United States will attack Canada merely, as my noble Friend says, for the vexation of this country. I think the statesmen of the United States are generally very wise and far-seeing men, and I do not believe they are likely to go to war with England for any such purpose. It is true that even respectable newspapers in the United States are always declaiming against England; but I do not think her statesmen would think of attacking Canada for the mere purpose of annoyance. I do not think, therefore, that there is any such insuperable difficulty in point of policy as should induce us to do that which is dishonourable-for it would be dishonourable to desert the Queen's subjects, who look to you for protection-and therefore I heartily give my assent to the proposal contained in this Bill. greatest importance. The defence of Canada without such a railway presents much difficulty. We have seen in late years the inconvenience which results from the fact that during a considerable period of the year we are deprived of any direct communication with the Upper Provinces. As your Lordships know, it is only during a portion of the year that the great river St. Lawrence can be navigated, and that in the winter months the Upper Provinces are to a great extent, for military purposes, cut off from communication with the mother country. This railway, if completed, will form a connecting link at all periods of the year between the mother country and the North-American Provinces. On that ground alone I believe it is of Imperial interest that this railway should be completed; and if the measure now before your Lordships produces that result, I think it would be of signal benefit. My noble Friend (Lord Lyveden) has dwelt strongly upon the difficulty of defending the Canadian frontier. But, though that operation may be one of considerable difficulty, it ought not to be treated as impossible. Indeed, I see no reason why, however arduous the task may seem, it may not be accomplished; because in war some of the greatest operations which appeared to be almost impossible, yet by talent, perseverance, energy, and courage have been carried out with entire success. As far as the Imperial Government are concerned, they have already shown their desire to do their part. The defences of Quebec have already been taken in hand, and I trust that Quebec will soon become a powerful and important fortress. Montreal also requires defence, and I trust that the delay which has taken place in providing for its defence has only been caused by the feeling that the question of the Confederation ought first to be considered and dealt with. I do hope that, seeing the anxiety of the mother country to support the object of the Confederation, the colonists will now think the time has come to put their shoulders to the wheel, and do all that in them THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE: My lies for the protection of their extended Lords, as the defence of Canada has been frontier. The matter is one which demuch referred to in the course of this dispends in a great measure upon themcussion, I wish to say a few words. I confess I rejoice that this measure for a Confederation has been brought forward, and that it has been accompanied by a project for the proposed railway, which in a military point of view cannot fail to be of the selves, and I hope that the good feeling shown on our part will encourage them to do that which, as I know, they were certainly at one time disposed to do-look after the defence of their own territory. I am entirely of opinion that if the loyalty |