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Catholics in religion were allowed to live, | enemy, there should at all events be an write poetry, speak, and act amongst them. inquiry into the origin of the rebellion. It was a religious wrong that he should be They would then have no more of those allowed to speak, and the poet Young to transparent falsehoods about the political write. When General Garibaldi was over wrongs of Ireland being the cause of the here he purposed visiting Ireland, to point outbreak, and they would at all events be out to the people how they could relieve doing something to maintain the character themselves from their troubles; but the of England, if they could not maintain her most eminent men on both sides of that independence of this foreign power. House, when they heard that such was his intention, hurried him out of the country. He had seen in the handwriting of Garibaldi that which amounted to a statement that he was sent away to prevent his expressing the sentiments which he (Mr. Whalley) was now endeavouring to express. He had lately visited Wolverhampton, Chester, and Liverpool, and found no difference of opinion on this point-that the danger to be apprehended from a Fenian rising was co-extensive with the cause which made the Roman Catholic quarters of those towns the scenes of constant squabbling. The outbreak of Fenianism was for the purpose of supporting an application contemporaneously made to the President of the United States, to declare the Irish republic belligerent, and he had seen a statement to the effect that several of the leading merchants of New York had subscribed 5,000,000 of dollars, to be employed, when England was engaged in civil or foreign war, in fitting out privateers under the flag of the enemy, whether that enemy should be Irish Republicans or foreign Powers. Another statement was, that during Smith O'Brien's rebellion in 1848 a subscription was organized on his behalf in America, some of the subscribers being leading statesmen of the day, including Mr. Seward and Mr. Horace Greely, and that when the rebellion was over 95,000 dollars of this money remained in hand, which sum the Fenians were now seeking to recover. It was said they could not restore permanent tranquillity to Ireland unless they redressed the religious wrongs of the country. No doubt it was a wrong that he was allowed to speak in that House, and it was a most grievous outrage that Mr. Young should be allowed to publish his poetry. According to these persons Ireland could not be relieved from her wrongs till persons of different opinions from the Roman Catholics consented to hold their tongues, and not in any way to interfere with the full exercise of the utmost authority of the papacy. If they could not throw off that yoke, if they must continue to subsidize their irreconcilable

MR. SULLIVAN said, he was surprised, after the appeal of the hon. Member for Perthshire for the re-consideration of the question of the pension, that no Member of the Government had risen to give any reasons in its favour. The principle involved was a very serious one; and he was surprised to hear it said that anybody who endeavoured to educate himself, or who wrote a book that went down with a certain class of people, was eligible for a pension. This announcement had astonished him. In his country-Irelandthere were many humble men, self-educated men, who had illustrated the language, the history, and the antiquities of Ireland, who had received no pension. But here was a man pandering to the worst passions of our race, by writing, he would not call it poetry, but ribald trash, who was receiving a pension for literary services." Lord Derby had been assured that the productions were not of a party character that matter should be explained. His own opinion was that Lord Derby had been imposed upon. This was a matter in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer might interfere. The right hon. Gentleman was a man himself of the highest literary character, and if he took up by chance this volume and read any page of it, would hardly endorse the exercised discretion which granted the pension in question for such wretched poetry. The Secretary of the Treasury had defended the granting of this pension. But he (Mr. Sullivan) said it was a scandal to the country that such a grant should have been made. was a great injustice to those who had a claim to a share of the literary fund that a poetaster should be deemed worthy of a pension, and that the bestowal of it should be sustained.

It

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER: It was my intention to have risen, Sir, when the hon. Member for Peterborough (Mr. Whalley) caught your eye; but as he seemed anxious to speak on the general merits of the question, particularly as it related to the country in which this act of patronage has been exer

445 Pension to Mr. Young,

MR. SULLIVAN said, what be meant was the fund at the disposal of the Crown for Literary pensions.

cised, I was unwilling to interpose. I other instances, perhaps a majority, in
On what,
would mention, in the first place, that which pensions are granted without the
the hon. and learned Gentleman who has previous knowledge on the part of the
just addressed the House labours under an Minister who is responsible.
error in thinking that this pension was then, must he depend? I take the case
The of a poet-of a person whom the hon. and
granted from the Literary Fund.
Literary Fund is a private institution, pre-learned Gentleman calls a poetaster, or it
may be a poet. It might be the case of
sided over by Earl Stanhope.
the author of a Farmer's Boy, or some
rustic classic. How would it be possible
other work which is now looked upon as a
He must be
in such a case for a Prime Minister of
England to be familiar with the merits of
a Bloomfield or a Clare?
guided by persons in the locality in which
the writer had distinguished himself. Now
what happened in the present case? We
are told now that this writer is a poetaster,
and that his writings are distinguished by
very vindictive feelings and the worst pas-
sions of a violent political faction. This
may be true, it may or it may not be true,
and if the test is to depend on my reading
this writer's works, I must say, with all
respect to the distinguished persons inte-
What is it Lord Derby
rested, that I would not undertake to read
them through.

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER: There is no such fund or bounty in existence, although the mistake is not one confined to the hon. and learned Gentleman. Her Majesty has the power, with the consent of Parliament, of distributing the sum of £1,500 annually in pensions; but that sum is not exclusively devoted to literary or scientific claims, and it is only by the gracious permission of Her Majesty that a portion of it has It has been devoted to these purposes. been distributed ever since Her Majesty's accession, and has not been considered to be a profuse amount; but it was not all destined to be devoted to the claims of literature and science. There is no doubt sees? That wonderful and mysterious docubut that of late years a considerable portionment which exercises such an influence in has, by the gracious consideration of Her all the transactions of public life-a meMajesty, been allotted to these purposes; morial. He sees that, with all that paand I think that, on the whole, the pen-triotism and liberality which has always sions that have been awarded to science distinguished the Irish people, the memoand literature have been granted with great taste and discretion by whatever GovernThere ment happened to be in power. have been cases, certainly, more than one, in which, upon erroneous statements to persons in authority, pensions have been granted-one, a case of great notoriety, with which the House is familiar. These cases are to be regretted; but we must remember that in granting these pensions, in which the claims of literature are concerned, the Prime Minister cannot always act on his own personal experience. A man of great accomplishments, as Prime we must Ministers generally are, and as all admit Lord Derby to be, will have acquaintance with the merits of literary men of high eminence; but literature is so multifarious in its character, that it is hard for a Minister to know the merits of all who may prefer a claim to the Royal bounty. As a general rule, he must depend on the representation of others. In the case of a great poet, like Mr. Tennyson, or an accomplished scholar, like Mr. Southey, the reputation of the individuals would be a sure guide; but there are many

rial in favour of this poetaster who had
indulged in the worst rancour of Orange
politics is signed by a Roman Catholic
prelate of that part of the country. It was
unjust thus to treat Lord Derby. It was
not fair thus to throw him off his guard,
to play off this hoax upon him. I am the
last man who would reward a poetaster,
whether he was an Orangeman or of op-
posite politics, who attempted by means of
his power of versification to propagate
opinions of a malevolent description; but I
should myself be thrown off my guard if
he came recommended by a Roman Catho-
lic prelate, or vice versa by a Protestant
prelate. It was no doubt actuated by the
sublimest feelings of charity and patriotism,
that the Roman Catholic prelate, in this
case, recommended the writer who had
attacked his creed and country. I know
there is a Christian charity that may
distinguish Roman Catholic prelates and
Protestant prelates. There is a sublime
feeling of forgiveness described by the hon.
Member for Longford. And no doubt it
was in consequence of this person's con-
tinuous attacks on his creed and worship

that the Roman Catholic bishop was induced to recommend him for a pension. I think we should take a large and generous view of this case. Lord Derby is, perhaps, by natural temperament too apt to believe what people tell him, and when a man in the position of a Roman Catholic prelate makes an appeal he would naturally believe his statement. Who can believe that Lord Derby would refuse? If he were a cautions or suspicious character he might he sitate. He might think that the man was perhaps a strong political or religious partisan, and that representations had been made to him which the circumstances did not justify. But I look about - I look again at the memorial, and I find that one of the most accomplished men in Ireland, and a practical statesman of the Liberal school, has also signed it. I find attached to it the classic name of Dufferin, a nobleman who is not attached to the party of Lord Derby. I find also the name of a nobleman, a high Wig-the name of Lord Cremorne. Lord Cremorne is particularly anxious that this pension should be bestowed. I say, then, that all these circumstances must be taken into consideration; and when Roman Catholic prelates and Whig Peers and statesmen came forward and pressed upon Lord Derby the exercise of the patronage of the Crown, it is really too absurd to have strictures made in this House as if this was some villanous political job by which some reckless political partisan was to be rewarded. It is quite clear that Lord Derby-perhaps from some error in his education, was not acquainted with the writings of Mr. Young. But when this memorial came supported by Anglican and Roman Catholic prelates, countenanced by endless local potentates, by justices without end, and by the distinguished names of Dufferin and Cremorne-men well known for their ac

quaintance with literature and science, surely Lord Derby was justified in granting such an inconsiderable pittance. The moral which this case, as well as the whole experience of my life, teaches me is to beware of testimonials. Nobody ever acted on a testimonial who had not afterwards cause to regret it. I am sure that Lord Derby would be sorry to do an unkind or harsh act to any one; but he will notice in the spirit of a man of the world what has occurred in this House, and will do what is proper. In future, when asked to do a similar act by Protestant and Roman Catholic prelates and by Liberal Peers, he

will, I am sure, if he possibly can, first read the works of the poet who is to receive the pension.

Main Question, "That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair," put, and agreed to.

SUPPLY-NAVY ESTIMATES. SUPPLY-considered in Committee. (In the Committee.)

Question again proposed,

"That 67,300 Men and Boys be employed for the Sea and Coast Guard Services, for the year ending on the 31st day of March 1868, including 16,200 Royal Marines.”

Whereupon Question again proposed,

"That 65,300 Men and Boys be employed for the Sea and Coast Guard Services, for the year ending on the 31st day of March 1868, including 16,200 Royal Marines."-(Mr. Childers.)

MR. LAIRD said, he hoped the Chairman would be allowed to report Progress. At that late hour it would be impossible to go on, as several hon. Members had intended to speak at some length on this

Vote.

MR. CHILDERS said, he made a similar request on behalf of the hon. Member for Hertford. He knew that a considerable number of Members on both sides of the House intended to speak on the subject.

MR. CORRY said, he thought it very desirable to make progress with the Estimates, as only a Vote of £1,000,000 had been taken on account of the men and nothing on the other heads, and they were approaching the end of the financial year. But as he was informed that some six or eight Members intended to speak on this Vote, none of whom were likely to be very brief in their observations, he thought he had better at once postpone further progress till Thursday next after the Mutiny

Bill.

MR. CHILDERS said, that if it were felt at all desirable a further Vote on Account might be taken.

LORD HENRY LENNOX said, that that would not be requisite.

House resumed.

Committee report Progress; to sit again. upon Monday next.

COURT OF CHANCERY (IRELAND) BILL. (Mr. Solicitor General for Ireland, Mr. Attorney General for Ireland.) [BILL 47.] COMMITTEE. Order for Committee read.

MR. LAWSON said, that as this was

the same Bill which the late Government Clause 11 (Appointment of Chief Clerks). had introduced, he had no objection to the SIR COLMAN O'LOGHLEN said, he House going into Committee on it; but he had to propose an Amendment, which had wished first to know what Her Majesty's been formerly proposed by the present Atpresent Government intended to do with torney General for Ireland. Its object the subsequent or supplemental Reports of was to prevent the delegation of duties rethe same Commissioners upon whose first sulting in the creation of bastard Masters, Report this Bill was based. Did they in- men not qualified to discharge judicial

tend to introduce a second Bill?

duties. In form it was to omit certain words, and to insert others requiring that the chief clerk "shall assist the Judge in business not of a judicial character."

THE SOLICITOR GENERAL FOR IRELAND (Mr. CHATTERTON) said, that with regard to the second Report of the Commissioners, which dealt with the THE SOLICITOR GENERAL FOR official staff of the Court of Chancery, it| IRELAND (Mr. CHATTERTON) said, he was considered better to deal with it in an would accept the principle of the Amendindependent Bill; and he could assure the ment. hon. and learned Gentleman that the Bill was in preparation and would be introduced as early as possible.

Bill considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

Clauses 1 to 3 agreed to. Clause 4 (Appointment of Vice Chancellor).

Clause, as amended, agreed to.
Clause 12 amended and agreed to.
Clause 16 (Tenure of Office of Chief
Clerk).

MR. CHILDERS said, that under the clause as it stood, a chief clerk appointed under this Act would be entitled to set up a claim to be compensated to the full amount of his salary in case of his office being abolished.

THE SOLICITOR GENERAL FOR IRELAND (Mr. CHATTERTON) said, the clause was like the clause in the Act relating to the officers of the English Court of Chancery.

GENERAL DUNNE said, that as the Bill proposed the appointment of a Vice Chancellor in the place of three Masters, and as the duties of the latter were to be discharged by chief clerks, with authority and power nearly equal to the Masters, but certainly with not the same amount of legal knowledge, he wished to know if the proposed change would increase the expense to the suitors as well as to the coun-gested that if the words "shall hold his office try by the pensions to be granted to the on the same terms as a civil officer " were retiring Masters? added, his objection would be removed.

FOR

THE SOLICITOR GENERAL IRELAND (Mr. CHATTERTON) said, the procedure of the court would not only be more effective but cheaper. The chief clerks were not intended to take the place of the Masters, but to take the non-judicial business and carry it out under the directions of the Vice Chancellor.

Clause agreed to.

MR. CHILDERS said, that was the very reason he objected to it. He sug

THE SOLICITOR GENERAL FOR IRELAND (Mr. CHATTERTON) said, he consented to postpone the clause.

Clause 28 postponed.

Clauses 29 to 39, inclusive, agreed to.
Clause 40.

Motion made, and Question put, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."-(Sir Colman

Clause 5 (Appointment of Successors of O' Loghlen.). Vice Chancellor).

Motion agreed to.

House resumed.

Committee report Progress; to sit again upon Thursday next.

MR. LAWSON said, there was now much unnecessary expense, attended with delay, owing to the needless multiplication of documents and meetings, which might be avoided by a single Judge taking a case FACTORY ACTS EXTENSION BILL. throughout, and he would suggest that (Mr. Secretary Walpole, Lord John Manners, Sir there should be two scales of costs-the (Mr. Secretary Walpole, Lord John Manners, Sir John Pakington.) lower one for cases involving sums below a certain amount.

Clause agreed to.

Clauses 6 to 10, inclusive, agreed to.
VOL. CLXXXVI. [THIRD SERIES.]

[BILL 62.] SECOND READING. Order for Second Reading read.

MR. WALPOLE moved the second reading of this Bill. He said, that it should Q

be set down for Committee on an open MR. DILLWYN said, he should move evening, perhaps the 29th April, of which the adjournment of the debate, as he hon. Members should have due notice. thought it most important that the Bill If the hon. Member for Manchester desired should be properly discussed. then to move that the Bill be sent to a Select Committee, he should have an opportunity of doing so.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."-(Mr. Walpole.)

MR. FAWCETT said, he hoped that the second reading would be postponed, as the measure was of so important a character that it would be better to afford an opportunity for discussing it upon the second reading. He suggested that the second reading should be postponed and fixed for some other day before Easter. He should take an opportunity of moving a Resolution on Tuesday which would have the effect of raising the whole question, which was exciting the greatest interest throughout the country.

MR. WALPOLE said, he should have been glad to follow that course; but there was no Government night between now and Easter on which he could be sure to bring the measure forward again. If, however, the second reading were agreed to, there would be ample opportunity for discussing the provisions of the Bill in Committee.

MR. AYRTON said, the hon. Member for Brighton could not do as he proposed, and suggested that the Motion for reading the Bill the second time should be put down for Tuesday.

MR. SPEAKER said, that if the Bill were read a second time now, and its further consideration were postponed to a distant day, it would not be in accordance with the rules of the House to discuss it in the interval, as proposed by the hon. Member for Brighton (Mr. Fawcett).

MR. LIDDELL said, he wished to ask whether the Government contemplated introducing a measure embodying the recommendations of the Royal Commission on Agricultural Gangs, the touching disclosures of whose Report he had read with much pain.

MR. POWELL said, he apprehended that there would be the greatest difficulty in the way of this being done; and if the hours of labour of these children were to be limited, the only consequence would be to expose them to greater temptations to vice. He hoped the Government would bring other trades under the provisions of the Bill besides those it dealt with.

Motion made, and Question proposed, That the Debate be now adjourned."(Mr. Dillwyn.)

MR. AYRTON said, he should support the Motion for adjournment, because he thought it useless to discuss a Bill on the Motion for going into Committee unless the Committee itself was postponed. It was most important that the Bill should be thoroughly discussed, in order that the country might understand its provisions.

MR. FAWCETT said, that the second reading should be adjourned for the present, but still be fixed for a day before Easter.

MR. WALPOLE said, every Government night between now and Easter was filled up; but if the House would consent to the second reading, he would not go into Committee until the Bill had been fully discussed.

MR. CANDLISH said, he thought they ought to read the Bill a second time that night.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
Main Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read a second time, and committed
for Monday 29th April.

HOURS OF LABOUR REGULATION
BILL-[BILL 63.]

(Mr. Secretary Walpole, Lord John Manners,
Sir John Pakington.)

SECOND READING.

Order for Second Reading read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."-(Mr. Walpole.)

MR. CANDLISH said, he trusted that the proposed limitation of hours would not be applied to the glass trade, as that trade could not be carried on within the limits as to time imposed by the Bill. The nepractice from a very early age. cessary skill could only be acquired by

Motion agreed to.

Bill read a second time, and committed for Monday, 29th April.

BRIDGES (IRELAND) BILL.

On Motion of Mr. SOLICITOR GENERAL for IRELAND, Bill to afford further facilities for the erec

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