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by the village schoolmaster, obtained a Gentleman did not give way to those pass, was to be for the years to come en- terrors and fears which were unfortunately franchised by this precious scheme. He entertained on the Ministerial side of the might, in after life, fall lower than the House; and also because the hon. and lowest; might become tapster, crossing-learned Gentleman was not impressed with sweeper, or anything else; but he would any desire to pull down old institutions, have the franchise in his pocket, and which were endearing to Englishmen, and would be able to exercise it for a considera-therefore stable, in order to substitute in tion. The boroughs and counties would their stead new-fangled and unstable debe crowded with the very worst specimens vices. He thought, too, with the hon. and of the poor scholar, who had spent six learned Gentleman, that we need not be over weeks in acquiring a little learning which anxious to settle this question from any fear he would occupy sixty years in forgetting as to the effect of another year's agitation while selling its results to the briber at every successive election. The number of holders of these middle-class certificates might not be very numerous just now; but once it was known how convenient an avenue it was to the suffrage, might they not trust the industry of election agents to behold the advantages of the Oxford and Cambridge local examinations. He ventured to suggest one more fancy franchise to the consideration of the Government for a class of persons who, by their possession of the qualification which he was going to name, showed an improving mind and a great deal of industry, and above all gave pledges for a lengthened fixity of residence-namely, a suffrage for the ticket-of-leave man. He hoped that by the time the Bill got into Committee the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer would frame a clause to admit the ticket-of-leave man, for that would crown the edifice.

he had too much confidence in the sound good sense of Englishmen to have any fear on that ground. The picture that had been drawn by the hon. Baronet the Member for Dundalk (Sir George Bowyer) showed the common-sense English view of the question. The remarks made by the audience at the meeting in Trafalgar Square, presided over by Mr. Potter, seated between two of the lions of the Nelson Monument, were a good sample of the opinion of the country on the matter. Englishmen did not wish to take the settlement of the question out of the hands of responsible statesmen, but that it should be settled in that House. There was nothing more significant than the conduct of the people during the last six or nine months. When the House was not sitting they got up demonstrations in the country and in the metropolis; but the moment the House met and the question was taken up, to be dealt with by the reMR. BUTLER - JOHNSTONE said, sponsible Ministers of the Crown, these that however unwilling he might be gene- demonstrations collapsed and died a narally to trespass on the attention of the tural death. The people wished to see House, he felt that on a question of so the question settled, and he was much importance as a Reform of the Re- more anxious to see it settled by the presentation of the People he could not unanimity of leading Members on both remain silent. He confessed that the sides of the House than that it should speeches of the right hon. Gentleman the be a better or a worse Bill. When he Chancellor of the Exchequer and the right heard that the reported conference between hon. Gentleman the Member for South the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Lancashire had not filled him with mis- right hon. Gentleman the Member for giving or alarm on this question; but, South Lancashire had not taken place, he on the contrary, they had inspired him thought it was an unfortunate thing; bewith hope, because he thought he saw cause in altering the franchise they were, a way open for the satisfactory settle- in fact, framing a new constitution, and ment of this difficult and vexed ques- it was more important that such a Bill tion. He cordially agreed in the spirit of should go forth to the country with the the speech that had been delivered by the seal and imprimatur of the leading stateshon. and learned Gentleman the Member men of the country than that it should for Sheffield (Mr. Roebuck), and the man be a better or a worse Bill. A Bill he should best like to see intrusted with would be well received in the country the framing of a Reform Bill was the just in proportion as it received their hon. and learned Gentleman. His reason assent. He was anxious that a Reform for this was that the hon. and learned Bill should be carried this Session, be

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might soon satisfactorily get rid of. The present Government had, no doubt, committed many errors; but they had not, like the right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Lancashire, committed the error of breaking its bridges and burning its boats. The Government were disposed to take the House into their confidence with

cause so long as Reform remained un-invidious distinction greater than any insettled the unity of the country was de- equality which at present marred our restroyed; because a feeling existed in the presentative system. They might call it country among a large class of the com- counterpoise or what they liked; but he munity that they were unjustly excluded was sure neither the country nor the House from a share in the Government of the would accept it, and the Government must country. The hon. Gentleman the Mem- throw it over. The House would then be ber for Birmingham (Mr. Bright) stated able to adopt the household suffrage with last Session that the artizans in the large two years' residence, and endeavour to manufacturing districts read the American solve the question of the compound-housepapers and took more interest in the poli-holder-a difficulty which he thought they ties of the United States than of their own country, and that he looked upon it as an untoward state of things. And in that he (Mr. Butler-Johnstone) cordially concurred. It was a far greater evil that our mechanics should be careless of the position, and indifferent to the interests, of their country than that they should succeed in getting passed laws with which the pre-reference to the Resolutions; and why sent House of Commons disagreed, or that should they not continue to act in concert they should run counter to the preconceived with the House on the Bill, and so pass a ideas of the upper classes, or even some- measure which would be satisfactory to what overtax the rich. England, unhappily, the country? If any check were wanted was not now so united as she ought to be; for household suffrage, it was not to be but was like those animals which pos- found in duality of voting, but in the resessed a double organism-two centres and distribution of seats in such a way as to two hearts. The heart and pulse of Eng- give to neighbourhoods and districts a land did not beat in unison as it ought to common life and consciousness of their own, do, and would not until this great question in which case the voters would elect the was settled, and the sooner the better. If best man in the neighbourhood to represent this country was to be engaged in a life them in Parliament; and that, he thought, and death struggle with any of the nations would be the best check against a demoof the world-if we had to defend our cratic Parliament. There would then be overland route to India if we had to no fear of danger, for there was no country maintain our passage through Egypt-in the world where public men were so how should we fare if the whole coun- much trusted as in England. try was not united? He believed that the difficulties of the recruiting sergeant were, in the last resort, to be traced to the question of Reform-if the question of the representation of the people were once settled, the question of recruiting the army would soon be solved. With a fair representation of the people we might have even a conscription; but we should never have a national army until we have a national suffrage. The question could not, however, be satisfactorily settled until both sides of the House took each other into their confidence; and with that feeling, although the Bill contained many points to which he seriously objected, he thought they might carry a satisfactory measure of Reform. He objected to duality of voting. A Reform Bill was wanted to do away with the inequalities that at present existed, and make the nation as one; but by adopting duality of voting they would create an

MR. BUXTON said, he only wished to make one remark. He was not about to enter into the question of three-cornered constituencies and cumulative voting; but he wished to say that he found that so many of the most thinking minds of the country were very strongly impressed with the advantages which would arise from this principle, that he hoped the right hon. Gentleman would afford the House an opportunity of discussing its merits. He could not but express the hope that the right hon. Gentleman would be brought to perceive the intrinsic merits of such an arrangement. At any rate, it was only a question of what would be the most judicious and convenient mode of allotting the seats at the disposal of the Government. The system had been advocated by some of the most profound reasoners. The hon. Member for Westminster had supported it; and that such an arrangement was not without its instrinsic merits was obvious

from the fact that such practical men as Lord Aberdeen and his Colleagues actually introduced a Bill to Parliament to carry it out, and he was assured they never altered their opinion with reference to it.

MR. SANDFORD said, it was recently announced that the Government were about to revert to "their original policy." In accordance with the right hon. Gentleman's original speech, if that meant anything, it pointed to the fact that the Act of 1832 abolished the ancient franchises of the country, and that he was willing to restore them. Well, what was the basis of this Bill proposed to-night. It proposed to substitute another uniform system of suffrage for the uniform £10 value suffrage which now existed. That was not in accordance with the speech originally made. If there was one of the Resolutions recently brought forward on which this Bill was founded-and he, for one, doubted if it was founded on the Resolutions at all-the Resolution which most commended itself to him, and he believed to the majority of the Conservatives, was the third. It was in these terms

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That, while it is desirable that a more direct Representation should be given to the Labouring Class, it is contrary to the Constitution of this Realm to give to any one class or interest a predominating power over the rest of the Community." He asked any hon. Gentleman who sat behind the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he asked the right hon. Gentleman himself, how he proposed to carry out the principle of that Resolution? In the Bill they had heard explained, there was only one attempt to carry it out, and that was by dual voting. Never had there been made to that House a proposition at once so illusory and so insulting. Why, the right hon. Gentleman himself had laid no facts and figures before the House. He could account for that. He did not believe that the right hon. Gentleman had got them himself. But he (Mr. Sandford) had taken the trouble of going into the matter and finding what would be the practical working of this measure in his own borough (Maldon). While in that borough this plan would give an addition of several hundred votes to one class, the counteracting principle of dual voting would add about sixty votes to the constituency. He believed that this was a fair example of the effect the Bill would have in a large proportion of the boroughs. But if this proposal was ineffectual as a check it was effectual as an insult, for by a dual of infelicity the

Bill proposed to enfranchise a large number of persons and to insult them. For, at the same moment, the Government told Lazarus that he was in a position to receive the electoral trust, but that it was not fitting he should be put in the same position as Dives. They gave one vote to one man because he was poor; and they gave two votes to another man because he was rich. If the Government chose to introduce this principle of plurality, it should have been done in such a way as to make it an effectual check; but this hybrid measure had the worst features of both systems. It did not protect minorities, and it insulted majorities. The right hon. Baronet the Member for Droitwich had addresssd his constituents on this Bill. Now, it was to be borne in mind that when a Cabinet Minister made a speech at a hustings on the occasion of his being returned without opposition he was very much in the position of a parson preaching a sermon. There was no one to reply to him. He thought that circumstance was very much to be regretted; because if it were otherwise, in both these cases the quality of the article would be very much improved if there was any one present to give an answer. Ile ventured to say that the right hon. Baronet the Member for Droitwich would not have dared to make that speech in the House of Commons if any one of his retiring Colleagues was there to answer it. What had he said? Why, that his retiring Colleagues had not taken such a liberal view of the question as he had done. Might he take the liberty of asking the right hon. Gentleman what was his meaning of "liberality?" Was it close proximity to Messrs. Beales and Potter? If that was his defi nition the right hon. Gentleman had a right to consider that liberality was almost entirely concentrated in his own person. He believed the only interruption the right hon. Baronet had received during the delivery of his Droitwich speech was from an individual who exclaimed, "Why, you go further than Bright." [Mr. BRIGHT: No; "You are worse than Bright."] He thanked the hon. Member for correcting him, and gave the right hon. Member for Droitwich the benefit of it. He begged to ask the right hon. Gentleman, also, whether he held his liberality to be a test of his excellence? What, then, were the principles in the names of which the right hon. Gentleman took his seat on the Treasury Bench? Was he there as a Liberal?

He had thought that the present Ministry |ject up to the Monday on which his were Conservative; but perhaps he had three Colleagues refused to assent to it? been mistaken. If the right hon. Gentle- He ventured to think he did not. He man prided himself on being a Liberal, he might have had something casually read to now begged to congratulate the right hon. him by the Chancellor of the Exchequer; Member who sat behind him (Sir John Pa- but he would be bound to say that he kington) and his Colleagues. The right hon. had not had the handling of a fact or Gentleman at Droitwich also charged his re- figure in it up to the 25th, the day on tiring Colleagues, not only with illiberality, which the Chancellor of the Exchequer. but with precipitation. It was evident came down and proposed the other Bill. that he had received the permission of Her As the right hon. Gentleman had praised Majesty to disclose Cabinet secrets to the this measure as such an excellent and electors of Droitwich; because he was sure such an honest one, he might remark that without such permission the right that there was something to be said hon. Gentleman would not have made the on the other side. Its excellence was, disclosures he had made there. He there- of course, a fair subject of discussion, it fore begged to ask him how long the Go- being a question of opinion; but with revernment had had this Reform question spect to its honesty, there was a practical under their consideration? He would ask test which might be applied. Supposing him another question also. When had the right hon. Gentleman the Member for this Bill become a definite part of the Minis- South Lancashire had proposed this meaterial programme? He had every reason sure last year, would the Gentlemen who to believe that when Parliament met a now formed Her Majesty's Government Reform Bill was not in that programme. have acceded to it, or would they have It was adopted subsequently to the com- opposed it? Perhaps, however, he might mencement of the Session. He now asked be told that he was putting a hypothetical the right hon. Gentleman to tell him the case; but he might remind the House that exact date at which the question of Re- they had the means of approximating to a form was formally brought under the prac- correct opinion on this point. When the tical consideration of the Cabinet? He late Government brought forward their was sure the right hon. Gentleman would proposal for a £7 rental franchise in speak that night; and it would be very boroughs, did the right hon. Gentleman hard if he should not be as communicative the Member for Droitwich, or the right to the House of Commons as he had been hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the to the electors of Droitwich. The meeting Exchequer, propose the present scheme of the Cabinet which led to the examination by way of Amendment? He had searched of the Bill by the Members of the Govern- the notice book in vain to find any ment who subsequently retired took place on such Amendment. So much for the the 23rd of February. How long before honesty of the measure. Twenty years that had this Bill been practically proposed had now elapsed since the Conservato the Cabinet? He would get an an- tive party was first led by their present swer. Was it a week? The right hon. chiefs-by the Earl of Derby in "another Gentleman did not answer. Well, he place," and by the right hon. Gentleman thought he could inform him. It was a the Member for Buckinghamshire in the week. [An hon. MEMBER: Ten Minutes.] House of Commons. Everybody, however, No; the first Reform Bill took about a week. was aware that Lord Derby, like many It was the second which only took ten other Sovereigns, reigned, but did not minutes. This great question, which had govern, and we all know who the Mayor been agitating the country and every one of the Palace really is. In the course of in it for months, first received the practical the period referred to, the Conservative and serious consideration of the Cabinet party had held office three times. On the one week before they assented to it. As first two occasions its tenure of office had he understood, the retiring Members of the averaged about twelve months-and, for Government had given thirty-six hours' his part, he did not think that term would consideration to it after the meeting of the be exceeded on the third occasion. Cabinet on the 23rd of February. He was it that the Conservative party had begged to ask the right hon. Gentleman retained office for so short a time? Behow many hours' consideration he had given cause they did not command a majority in it? He asked him whether he had ever the House. And why did they not comseen any figures or statistics on the sub-mand a majority in the House? Because

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they did not command a majority in the country. And why did they not command a majority in the country? Let us be frank. The Conservative party depend for support on the respectable portion of the community. But the Conservative party could not command the respect of that portion of the people unless they assumed a policy that was respectable. To be respectable it must be respected; and they might depend upon it that no Government would ever command the respect of that portion of the community unless it carried out in office the same principles which it had professed in opposition.

MR. OSBORNE: I apprehend, Sir, that there are below the gangway some respectable compound-householders, if I may so term them, who are not very well pleased with the course which has been pursued by Her Majesty's Ministers. Now, it appears to me that the question before the House is not the consideration of the speech made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Droitwich (Sir John Pakington) to his constituency-not the confidential communications which he made to his constituents upon that occasion, but whether we are to read for the first time the Bill which has been propounded to us. Since I have had the honour of a seat in this House I have never seen-have never heard a Bill which was not actually in our hands so discussed and so torn to pieces as this has been. I think that we have, above all things, one great duty to perform. I confess I am a party man; but I am not so much of a party man that I cannot on an occasion like the present elevate myself above mere considerations of party, and give to a subject which is stirring the heart of this country that fair consideration to which it is entitled. What is the use of our having talked about our forbearauce if on the first blush of the Bill being introduced we throw cold water on every proposition it contains? and if, because we do not agree with particular clauses, we say we will not discuss the Bill? Now, Sir, I have small weight and no following in this House; but there may be people outside the House who may agree in what I am about to say, and if there be any in this House of the same opinion, I would say to them, "Do not imitate the course of the three seceding Cabinet Ministers ;" or, to use the language of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Droitwich, "Do not be too precipitate in your con

demnation of the Bill." You know not exactly what you are about to condemn ; do not therefore be too precipitate, but give the measure a fair consideration. Let this Bill be in our hands, and let it proceed to a second reading. There may be some mistakes in it; but let us remember what a great mistake our own party made on a former occasion. I firmly believe that it is possible to settle this question if we approach it in a fair spirit. I grant that the occasion is tempting to twit right hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House, as has been done by the hon. Member for Maldon (Mr. Sandford) with his ready wit and facile manner; but, for my part, I shall not twit them for their inconsistency. As a Member of Parliament I have a higher duty to perform. This question of Reform stops the way, and the problem to be solved is how are we to get it out of the way. We cannot pass a Bill on this side of the House; we have tried our hands at it and have failed. Let, therefore, the hon. Gentlemen on the other side try to settle the question. No doubt they have behaved generally ill; but it is no argument to tell me that they brought in a Bill which failed, and that then they brought in this and that. I give them credit for wishing to settle the question. Why, then, should we put the whole business of the country in suspense by evoking a desperate party spirit? The effect of that would be to strangle all chance of passing a Reform Bill. At least, I humbly think so; and I say, whatever we do, let us give this question fair consideration, and, after discussing the principles and the propositions of the Bill, let us proceed to the second reading. I apprehend that no one intends to throw out the Bill on the first reading, although it would almost appear from the speeches of some hon. Gentlemen that they had no desire to see the Bill in print. I confess the Bill contains several things with which I do not agree; but these matters may be corrected in Committee. One great principle which I have voted for-namely, household suffrage-is embodied in that Bill. Now, I take that and will make the best of it; and I think the House will be wrong if they prematurely come to any decision on the subject. I say, go to a second reading. Reverting to what was said by the hon. Member for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring), I may express an opinion that the Government ought not to be called upon to state the vital points of the Bill at this early stage. The proper time for that

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