in Le Plutarque Français, the French historians, and a Memoir of the French Protestants in 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Society, ii. 7. He is thus panegyrized in the Henriade: Coligni, plus heureux et plus digne d'envie Gourgues, 1568. The character given of Gourgues in De Bry is :-"non minus intrepidus Capitanus quam nauta peritus, Hispanis formidabilis, Reginæ verò Anglicæ ob virtutum suarum meritum expetendus." Thuanus says, he had distinguished himself by his bravery in the Etruscan war, but being at length taken by the Spaniards, and basely confined to the oar, he conceived so great a hatred to the Spaniards, that he solemnly bound himself by an oath, that, whenever he should find an occasion, he would avenge the injury. This historian says, Gourgues did not disclose his object to his companions until he arrived at Cuba: "ibique consilium suum sociis hactenus celatum aperit; et obtestatur, ne se in tali occasione, quæ ad Gallici nominis decus pertineret, desererent." Having taken an oath to be faithful to him, they with the utmost ardour, and without waiting for the full moon, pass happily through the Bahama Strait, a perilous passage at that season, and arrive at the mouth of the river of May. [1567.] NOTE XVI. p. 104. THE "good mine," which the Virginia colonists hoped "by the goodness of God" to discover, was by his goodness concealed from them, and happily lay concealed for more than two centuries. The settlers were hence led to fell the forests, and cultivate the soil, and to acquire from the surface more valuable treasures than they would have found beneath it. There was gold there. "Native gold has been discovered on the streams of Cabarrus county, North Carolina. A single piece was found, which originally weighed 28lbs.; after it was melted down at the mint, it weighed 25lbs. and was 23 carats fine." Seybert, Statist. Annals, A. D. 1818. This account was confirmed to me by Dr. Robinson, who resided many years in North Carolina, and who permitted me to copy an article from a letter which he had lately received from Professor Olmstead of the University of North Carolina, giving the result of "a geologieal excursion to our Gold Coast" in June, 1824. "NATIVE GOLD. Found in the counties of Cabarrus, Montgomery, and Anson, chiefly in the tributaries of Yadkin and Rocky rivers, and in the bed of the latter-In a horizontal deposit of gravel and clay-in pieces of various size, from small grains to a mass weighing 28lbs.... The foregoing deposit covers an area of at least 1000 square miles. From 1810 to 1820, about 19,000 dollars received at the mint."Dr. Robinson was the author of "A Catalogue of American Minerals, with their Localities," printed in 1825 at Cambridge, where he resided at the time of its publication. It was the same worthy man (since deceased) who gave the description of the Red Sandstone slab at the tomb of lady Butler, p. 254 (there misnamed), whose name and title were, "Samuel Robinson, M. D. Member of the American Geological Society." NOTE XVII. p. 104. CAMDEN, referring to the adventurers to Virginia under Lane, who returned to England this year with Sir Francis Drake, says, "Et hi reduces Indicam illam plantam quam Tabaccam vocant & Nicotiam, qua contra cruditates, ab Indis edocti, usi erant, in Angliam primi, quod sciam, intulerunt. Ex illo sanè tempore usu cepit esse creberrimo, & magno pretio, dum quamplurimi graveolentem illius fumum, alii lascivientes, alii valetudini consulentes, per tubulum testaceum inexplebili aviditate passim hauriunt et mox è naribus efflant; adeò ut tabernæ Tabaccanæ non minùs quam cervisiariæ et vinariæ passim per oppida habeantur." Annales Eliz. apud annum MDLXXXV. Oldys [Life Ralegh, 31.] says, the colonists under Lane carried over tobacco "doubtless according to the instructions they had received of their proprietor; for the introduction among us of that commodity is generally ascribed to Ralegh himself." I do not call this the introduction of tobacco into England; because in Stow's Chronicle [p. 1038], it is asserted, that Sir John Hawkins carried it thither first in the year 1565. But it was then considered as a mere drug, and that Chronicle tells us, "all men wondered what it meant." In Hawkins' voyage of 1565 [Hakluyt, i. 541.] we find the following description of the use of tobacco in Florida. "The Floridians when they travele have a kinde of herbe dryed, which with a cane, and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs put together, do sucke thorow the cane the smoke thereof, which smoke satisfieth their hunger." After this particular notice of tobacco in Florida, Hawkins probably carried a specimen of it to England, as a curiosity. This singular plant appears to have been used by the natives in all parts of America. In the account of Cartier's voyage in 1535, we find it used in Canada. "There groweth a certaine kind of herbe, whereof in Sommer they make great provision for all the yeere, making great account of it, and onely men use of it, and first they cause it to be dried in the sunne, then weare it about their neckes wrapped in a little beastes skinne made like a little bagge, with a hollow peece of stone or wood like a pipe: then when they please they make pouder of it, and then put it in one of the ends of the said cornet or pipe, and laying a cole of fire upon it, at the other ende sucke so long, that they fill their bodies full of smoke, till that it commeth out of their mouth and nostrils, even as out of the tonnell of a chimney." Hakluyt, iii. 224. It was used copiously in Mexico, where the natives took it, not only in smoke at the mouth, but also in snuff at the nose. " In order to smoke it, they put the leaves with the gum of liquid amber, and other hot and odorous herbs, into a little pipe of wood or reed, or some other more valuable substance. They received the smoke by sucking the pipe and shutting the nostrils with their fingers, so that it might pass by the breath more easily towards the lungs." It was such a luxury, that the lords of Mexico were accustomed to compose themselves to sleep with it. Clavigero [i. 439.] says, "Tobacco is a name taken from the Haitine language." NOTE XVIII. p. 106. MANTEO and Wanchese accompanied Barlow to England in 1584, and returned to Virginia with governor Lane and Sir Richard Greenville in 1585.-It has been thought that Manteo could not come over with governor White in 1587; but of the fact no one can doubt, after seeing the original account of the voyage. Both accounts may be true; for Manteo may have gone a second time to England, and returned afterward with White. The Journal of Greenville's voyage renders this probable; for it says that Manteo "came aboord the Admirall" a short time before Greenville's return to England in August, 1585. Mr. Bozman [Hist. Maryland, 91.] erred with other writers in supposing that "Manteo came to captain White's colony, on their first arrival, 1587, and gave them some information of the loss of the fifteen men left by Greenville." Soon after the arrival of the second colony at "Hatoraska" in 1587, the Journal says, that "Master Stafford and 20 of our men passed by water to the island of Croatoan, with Manteo, who had his mother and many of his kinred dwelling in that Island, of whom wee hoped to understand some newes of our fifteene men;" that "Manteo, their country man, called to them in their owne language;" and that what they did learn respecting the 15 men, they "understood of the men of Croatoan." Hakluyt. NOTE XIX. p. 122. OF St. Croix Champlain says, "Ce lieu est par la hauteur de 45 degrez untiers de latitude, & 17 degrez 32 minutes de delinaison de las Guide-aumont. En cét endroit y fut fait l'habitation en l'an 1604. Voy. liv. 1. c. 2. Of Port Royal Lescarbot says, this port contains 8 leagues of circuit, beside the river of L'Equille. To this place M. de Poutrincourt intended to retire with his family, "and there to establish the Christian and French name." He "made the voyage into these parts with some men of good sort, not to winter there, but as it were to seeke out his seate, and find out a land that might like him: which he having done, had no need to sojourn there any longer." Purchas. He accordingly embarked with his company for France, leaving his military implements in the care of De Monts, in token of his determination to return. Lescarbot, c. 5.-M. du Pont staid at St. Croix for the time he had agreed upon, in which, if he should have no news from France, he might return with his company. Despairing of succour, he was ready to sail, when M. du Pont, surnamed Gravé, arrived from Honfleur with a company of about 40 men. Soon after his arrival, the whole of his company, with that of De Monts, removed from St. Croix to Port Royal. The stores, which had been deposited at St. Croix, were removed across the bay, but the buildings were left standing. New houses were erected at the mouth of the river L'Equille, which runs into the bason of Port Royal; and here the people and stores were lodged. The winter had been severe; all the people had been sick; 36 had died, and 40 only were left alive. As soon as these were recovered, De Monts sought a comfortable station in a warmer climate. He sailed along the coast to Penobscot, Kennebeck, Casco, Saco, and ultimately to Malebarre, which was at that time the French name of Cape Cod; but the natives appearing numerous and unfriendly, and his company being small, he returned to St. Croix, and then to Port Royal, where he found Dupont in a ship from France, with supplies and a reinforcement of 40 men. Having put his affairs into good order, he embarked for France in September, 1605, leaving Dupont as his lieutenant, with Champlain and Champdore, to perfect the settlement, and explore the country. Lescarbot. Belknap. NOTE XX. p. 141. SIR W. MONSON, a contemporary, who received his information "from the mouth of the master that came home from Hudson," says, that "the entrance [into the Straits] was in 63 degrees;" that "they ran in that height 200 leagues, and finding the Streight, which was 40 leagues over, to run south, they followed that southerly course, making account it would bring them into the South Sea;" that "here they ran 200 leagues more, till they found the water too shallow and unpassable;" that "they wintered in an island in 52 degrees, where in the whole winter they saw but one man, who came to them but twice;" that "this Savage was cloathed in skins, and his arrows forked with iron;" and that "this attempt of Hudson has given us knowledge of 400 leagues further than was ever known before." The same author was of opinion, that the iron of the Indian, who visited Hudson, "shewed manifestly, he used to trade with Christians." Naval Tracts in Churchill, iii. 430, 433. Within the straits Hudson gave names to several places, Desire Provokes, The Isle of God's mercy, Prince Henry's Cape, King James' Cape, Queen Ann's Cape, &c. Harris. He sailed 300 leagues west in those straits, and on the 2d of August (1610) came to a narrower passage, having two headlands; that on the south he called Cape Wostenholme, the opposite one on the northwest, Digges's Island. Through this narrow passage he passed into the Bay, which has ever since borne his name. Having sailed above 100 leagues south into this bay, he imprudently resolved to winter in the most southern part of it, with the intention of pursuing his discoveries in the spring. On the 3d of November his ship was drawn up in a small creek, where he providentially found a supply of provisions. When the spring arrived, he was unable to induce the natives to come to him, and was therefore necessitated to abandon the enterprise. With tears in his eyes he distributed to his men all the bread he had left. In this extremity he had let fall threatening words of setting some of his men on shore; and now a few of the sturdiest of them, who had before been mutinous, entered his cabin in the night, and tying his arms behind him, put him into the boat. Biog. Britan. Art. HUDSON. The survivors of Hudson's company having reached London, made report to Sir Thomas Smith, one of the principal members of the Society and owners of the ship, who, not having heard from them for nearly a year and a half, had believed them lost. "Hudson's personal qualities and virtues, displayed during his four voyages, at times which were calculated to try character, will ever be contemplated with admiration and pleasure; but to the citizens of the State of New York, the character of this heroic navigator will be peculiarly the theme of eulogium, and his misfortunes the subject of regret." Yates and Moulton, Hist. N. York, i. 290. For a full account of Hudson and his Discoveries on Hudson or North River, see a "Discourse designed to commemorate the Discovery of New York by Henry Hudson; delivered before the New York Historical Society, September 4th, 1809, being the Completion of the Second Century since that Event." By Rev. Samuel Miller, D. D. of New York. Published in vol. i. of Collections of the N. York Historical Society. NOTE XXI. p. 159. It is not so difficult to find proofs in support of the text, as it is to select them. They may be seen in Morton's Extracts from the Records of the First Church in Plymouth, in Hazard's Collections, 1349-373; N. Eng. Memorial, 18-21; Mather's Magnalia, b. 1. c. 2; Prince's N. Eng. Annals, A. D. 1617; Hutchinson, i. 3; Belknap's Biography, Art. КоBINSON. The motives assigned by some English writers for the removal of the Puritans from Leyden, it is easily conceived, might have been readily admitted, without critical inquiry, by the advocates for the English hierarchy, two centuries ago; but it was hardly to be expected that writers, of our own age, should copy the injurious representations of those early times into the pages of sober history. The historian who tells us, that the Puritans removed from Leyden into the American wilderness, because they were "obscure and unpersecuted," must not expect to be believed. I endeavoured to assign, in the text, the true causes of that removal; and have nothing to subjoin, but an expression of regret, that the misrepresentations of foreign writers, on this and the succeeding article, have been transcribed into the work of a very respectable historian of our own country. The character and principles of Mr. Robinson and his Society seem not yet to be fully known. The reverend JOHN ROBINSON was a man of learning, of piety, and of catholicism. At first, indeed, he favoured the rigid separation from the church of England; but, after his removal to Holland, "he was convinced of his mistake, and became, ever after, more moderate in his sentiments respecting separation." Baylie, who was zealously opposed both to the Brownists and Independents, allows, that "Mr. Robinson was a man of excellent parts, and the most learned, polished, and modest spirit, as ever separated from the church of England; that he ruined the rigid separation; and that he was a principal overthrower of the Brownists." See Prince, P. ii. sect. 1; Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iv. 133-140; Belknap, Biog. Art. ROBINSON; Mosheim, v. 381. c. 21; and Robinson's Lawfulness of hearing of the ministers of the church of England. Against the concessions of enemies, however, and the demonstrations of friends, the Puritans of Leyden and of New England have, to our own day, been, represented as Brownists; that is, the followers of Robert Brown, a sectary, whose principles were, in many respects, very exceptionable, in the view of all sober Christians, and who at length abandoned them himself, and conformed to the church of England. Mr. Robinson, who ought to be allowed to say what were his own principles, has explicitly declared them, in "A just and necessary Apologie of certain Christians no lesse contumeliously than commonly called Brownists or Barrowists." This Apology professes "before God and men, that such is our accord in the case of religion with the Dutch Re ود formed Churches as that we are ready to subscribe to all and everie article of faith in the same church, as they are layd in the Harmony of Confessions of Faith, published in their name; with the exception of "one only particle;"” which was an allowance of the Apocryphal books to be read in churches. On examining the Dutch [Belgic] Confession of Faith in the "Harmonia Confessionum," I find it to be the same in Latin, which, translated into English, now constitutes a part of "The Constitution of the Reformed Dutch Church in the United States of America." It essentially agrees, in its doctrines, with the Church of England. In preference to all other authorities, the impartial inquirer is referred to the original work of Robinson, written at Leyden. A copy of it is in the Prince Collection, deposited in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. It is entitled: "Apologia Justa et Necessaria Quorundam Christianorum, æque contumeliose ac communiter dictorum Brownistarum sive Barrowistarum. Per Johannem Robinsonum Anglo Leidensem suo et Ecclesiæ nomine, cui præfigitur." 1619. Of this work the learned Hoornbeck, in his " Summa Controversiarum," 1. 10. says: "Apologiam edidit suo, et Ecclesiæ suæ nomine, a. cIcIocxIx. quæ legitur Latinè, & Anglicè, recusa pridem a. cIoIOCXLIV. digna quæ a theologis omnibus seriò expendatur." By this Apology it appears, that, in regard to the rule of faith, they entirely disclaimed human authority, and distinctly maintained the right of every man to judge of the sense of the Scriptures for himself, of trying doctrines by them, and of worshipping according to his apprehension of them. In regard to the doctrines of religion and the sacraments, they believed the doctrinal articles of the Church of England, as well as of the Reformed churches of Scotland, Ireland, France, the Palatinate, Geneva, Switzerland, and the United Provinces, to be agreeable to the Holy Scriptures; and allowed all the pious members of these churches communion with them, differing from them only in matters purely ecclesiastical. Of their ecclesiastical polity the Apology gives a full and lucid account. It essentially accords with that which was afterward recognised by the pastors and churches of New England in the Cambridge Platform. See NOTE XXVII. A full view of this subject belongs to Ecclesiastical History. The testimony of Mosheim [v. P. ii. c. 2.] to the general character and principles of the Independents (as they were at first called) is subjoined. "The Independents were much more commendable than the Brownists in two respects. They surpassed them both in the moderation of their sentiments, and the order of their discipline. They did not, like BROWN, pour forth bitter and uncharitable invectives against the churches that were governed by rules entirely different from theirs, nor pronounce them, on that account, unworthy of the Christian name. On the contrary, though they considered their own form of ecclesiastical government as of divine institution, and as originally introduced by the authority of the apostles, nay by the apostles themselves, yet they had candour and charity enough to acknowledge, that true religion and solid piety might flourish in those communities, which were under the jurisdiction of bishops, or the government of synods and presbyteries." NOTE XXII. p. 167. THE early historians agree in the fact, but not in the time of the Plague among the Indians. Some of them say, it was three or four years before the first arrival of the English at Plymouth; some, that it was two or three; while others place it in 1619, the year preceding the arrival. See Morton's Memorial, 51; Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iv. 108; Johnson's Wonderw Vonderworking Providence, b. 1. c. 8. Mather's Magnalia, b. 1. 7. Neal, N. Eng. i. c. 3. I. Mather's Discourse concerning Comets. Prince, from Gorges and governor Bradford, says "[January, 1617], This winter and the spring ensuing, a great plague befals the natives in New England; which wasteth them exceedingly; and so many thousands of them die, that the living are not able to bury them, and their skulls and bones remain above ground at the places of their habitations for several years after." It may have "commenced and raged in different places at different times." See Davis, in Morton, 52.-Johnson says, the plague was |