nothing. By urging the American war, Great Britain had increased her national debt, one hundred millions of pounds sterling, and wasted the lives of at least 50,000 of her subjects. To add to her nortification, she had brought all this on herself, by pursuing an object, the attainment of which seemed to be daily less probable, and the benefits of which, even though it could have been attained, were very problematical. While Great Britain, France, and Spain were successively brought to think favourably of peace, the United States of America had the consolation of a public acknowledgment of their independence, by a second power of Europe. This was effected, in a great measure, by the address of John Adams. On the capture of Henry Laurens, Mr. Adams was commissioned to be the minister plenipotentiary of congress, to the states general of the United Provinces, and was also empowered to negociate a loan of money among the Hollanders. Soon after his arrival, he presented to their high mightinesses a memorial, in which he informed them, that the United States of America had thought fit to send him a commission, with full power and instructions, to confer with them concerning a treaty of amity and commerce, and that they had appointed him to be their minister plenipotentiary to reside near them. Similar information was, at the same time, communicated to the Stadtholder, the Prince of Orange.

About a year after the presentation of this memorial, it was resolved, "that the said Mr. Adams was agreeable to their high mightinesses, and that he should be acknowledged in quality of minister plenipotentiary." Before this was obtained, much pains had been taken, and much ingenuity had been exerted, to convince the rulers and people of the states general, that they had an interest in connecting themselves with the United States. These representations, together with some recent successes in their contests on the sea with Great Britain, and their evident commercial interest, encouraged them, in 1782, to venture on being the second power in Europe, to acknowledge American independence.

Mr. Adams, having gained this point, proceeded on the negociation of a treaty of amity and commerce, between the

two countries. This was concluded on the 8th of August, 1782, to the reciprocal satisfaction of both parties. The same success which attended Mr. Adams in these negociations, continued to follow him, in obtaining a loan of money, which was a most seasonable supply to his almost exhausted country.

Mr. Jay had, for nearly three years past, exerted equal abilities, and equal industry with Mr. Adams, in endeavouring to negociate a treaty, between the United States and his most Catholic majesty: but his exertions were not crowned with equal success.

To gain the friendship of the Spaniards, Congress passed sundry resolutions, favouring the wishes of his most Catholic majesty, to re-annex Florida to his dominions. Mr. Jay was instructed to contend for the right of the United States to the free navigation of the river Mississippi; and, if an express ac knowledgement of it could not be obtained, he was restrained from acceding to any stipulation, by which it should be relinquished. But, in February 1781, when lord Cornwallis was making rapid progress, in overrunning the southern States, and when the mutiny of the Pennsylvania line, and other unfavourable circumstances, depressed the spirits of the Americans, congress, on the recommendation of Virginia, directed him to recede from his instructions, so far as they insist on the free navigation of that part of the river Mississippi, which lies below the thirty-first degree of north latitude, and on a free port or ports below the same; provided such cession should be unalterably insisted on by Spain, and provided the free navigation of the said river, above the said degree of north latitude, should be acknowledged and guaranteed by by his Catholic majesty, in common with his own subjects.

These propositions were made to the ministers of his most Catholic majesty, but not accepted. Mr. Jay in his own name informed them, "that, if the acceptance of this offer, toge ther with the proposed alliance, should be postponed to a general peace, the United States would cease to consider themselves bound by any propositions or offers he might then make, in their behalf."

Spain having delayed to accept these terms, which originated more in necessity than in policy, till the crisis of American independence was past, congress, apprehensive that their offered relinquishment of the free navigation of the Mississippi should, at that late hour, be accepted, instructed their minister, to forbear making any overtures to the court of Spain, or entering into any stipulations, in consequence of any which he had previously made."

It was expected, not only by the sanguine Americans, but . by many in England, that the capture of lord Cornwallis would instantly dispose the nation to peace; but whatever might have been the wish, or the interest of the people, the American war was too much the favourite of ministry to be relinquished, without a struggle for its continuance.

Just after intelligence arrived of the capitulation of Yorktown, the king of Great Britain, in his speech to parliament, declared, "that he should not answer the trust committed to the sovereign of a free people, if he consented to sacrifice either to his own desire of peace, or to their temporary ease and relief, those essential rights and permanent interests, upon the maintenance and preservation of which, the future strength and security of the country must forever depend." The determined language of this speech, pointing to the continuance of the American war, was echoed back by a majority of both lords and commons.

In a few days afterwards, December 12th, 1781, it was moved in the house of commons, that a resolution should be adopted, declaring it to be their opinion, that all further attempts to reduce the Americans to obedience, by force, would be ineffectual, and injurious to the true interests of Great Britain." Though the debate on this subject was continued, till two o'clock in the morning, and though the opposition received additional strength, yet the question was not carried. The same ground of argument was soon gone over again; and the American war underwent, for the fourth time since the beginning of the session, a full discussion: but no resolution, disapproving its further prosecution, could yet obtain the assent of a majority of the members. The advocates for

peace becoming more numerous, it was moved by general Conway," that an humble address be presented to his majes ty, that he will be pleased to give directions to his ministers not to pursue, any longer, the impracticable object of reducing his majesty's revolted colonies, by force, to their allegi ance, by a war on the continent of America." This brought forth a repetition of the former arguments on the subject, and engaged the attention of the house, till two o'clock in the morning. On a division, the motion for the address was lost by a single vote. In the course of these debates, while the mi nority were gaining ground, the ministry were giving up one point after another. They at first consented that the war should not be carried on to the same extent as formerly; then, that there should be no internal continental war; next, that there should be no other war than what was necessary for the defence of the posts, already in their possession; and last of all, none but against the French in America.

The ministry as well as the nation began to be sensible of the impolicy of continental operations; but hoped that they might gain their point, by prosecuting hostilities at sea. Every opposition was therefore made by them, against the total dereliction of a war, on the success of which they had so repeatedly pledged themselves, and on the continuance of which they held their places. General Conway, in five days afterwards, brought forward another motion expressed in different words, but to the same effect with that which was lost by a single vote. This caused a debate, till two o'clock in the morning. It was then moved to adjourn the debate till the 13th of March. There appeared for the adjournment 215, and against it 234.

The original motion, and an address to the king, formed upon the resolution, were then carried without a division; and the address was ordered to be presented by the whole house.

To this his majesty answered, “that in pursuance of their advice, he would take such measures as should appear to him the most conducive to the restoration of harmony, between Great Britain and the revolted colonies." The thanks of the house were voted for this answer: but its guarded language,

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not inconsistent with farther hostilities against America, together with other suspicious circumstances, induced General Conway to move another resolution, expressed in the most decisive terms. This was to the following effect: "That the house would consider as enemies to his majesty and the country, all those who should advise, or by any means attempt, the further prosecution of offensive war, on the continent of North America, for the purpose of reducing the colonies to obedience by force." This motion, after a feeble opposition, was carried without a division, and put a period to all that chicanery, by which ministers meant to distinguish between a prosecution of offensive war, in North America, and a total dereliction of it. This resolution and the preceding address, to which it had reference, may be considered as the closing scene of the American war. As it was made a parliamentary war, by an address from parliament, for its prosecution in February, 1775; it now was no longer so, by an address from the most numerous house of the same parliament, in February, 1782, for its discontinuance. A change of ministry was the consequence of this total change of that political system, which, for seven years, had directed the affairs of Great Britain. A new administration was formed, under the auspices of the marquis of Rockingham, and was composed of characters who opposed the American war. It has been said, that the new minister stipulated with the court, before he entered into office, that there should be peace with the Americans, and that the acknowledgment of their indepen dence should not be a bar to the attainment of it. Soon afterwards, the marquis of Rockingham, on whom Great Britain relied with a well-placed confidence, for extrication from surrounding embarrassments, departed this life; and his muchlamented death, for some time, obscured the agreeable prospects, which had lately begun to dawn on the nation. On the decease of the noble marquis, earl Shelburne was appointed his successor. To remove constitutional impediments to negociate with the late British colonies, an act of parliament was passed, granting to the crown powers for negociating or concluding a general or particular peace, or truce, with the