with the United States, was announced to President Adams, through a circuitous channel. Peace and justice being all ever desired by America, these indirect communications were acted upon; and Oliver Elsworth, William Richardson Davie, and William Vans Murray were appointed envoys extraordinary, and ministers plenipotentiary, to the French Republic. On their arrival in Paris, they found the Directory overthrown, and the government in the hands of Buonaparte, with the title of First Consul. By him they were received with the respect due to their character; and three persons, with equal power, were appointed to treat with them. All differences were speedily and amicably adjusted, and, shortly afterwards, a new treaty between the two nations was concluded. Henceforward, there was a good understanding between France and the United States. In about four years after this amicable adjustment, Buonaparte, who, in the mean time, had become the proprietor of Louisiana, with the consent of Spain, sold it to the United States, for fifteen millions of dollars. The territory thus acquired, by giving the Americans a right to both sides of the Mississippi, from its source to its mouth, extinguished all possibility of dispute with foreign nations, about the free navigation of that noble river. It created a dependence of the numerous Indian tribes, in a vast extent of country, on the United States; laid a foundation for an immense fur trade, and for the extension of agriculture and commerce, over a fertile country, superior, in magnitude, to civilized Europe.

From the deposition of Lewis the 16th, to the final overthrow of the Directory of France, a period of about six years, nothing short of great forbearance, patience, moderation, and also of firmness, on the part of the United States, could have prevented their being made parties to the war, against Great Britain, or being involved in a war, with France. Steadily pursuing peace and neutrality, and, at the same time, insisting on their rights, as an independent nation, they commanded the respect of the world, while they increased in importance, wealth, and resources.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

British Relations-Jay's Treaty-Attack on the Chesapeake— Right of Search and Impressment-Orders in Council, &c.

GREAT BRITAIN.

SOON after the termination of the American revolutionary war, the United States and Great Britain charged each other with having violated the treaty of peace. The charge was reciprocally denied, under the shadow of sophistical distinctions; but reciprocally proved, by facts, that could not be controverted. Each palliated the non-performance of their engagements, by alleging, that, on their part, it was subsequent to, and the consequence of, the failure of the opposite party. From the uncommon circumstances of th unnatural war, between members originally of the same political family, the exact fulfilment of the treaty was impracticable. The seventh article stipulated," against the destruction, or carrying away of negroes, or other property of the Americans." The greatest vigilance, and the purest intentions, could not have secured the liberal fulfilment of this article; for many articles of property were destroyed, or carried off, without the possibility of prevention. Good faith to the blacks involved the necessity of bad faith to the whites: for many of the former, being in actual possession of freedom, by virtue of proclamations, promising that boon as a reward for repairing to the royal standard, could not, on any principle of English law, be redelivered, as slaves, to their American masters. To discriminate between those, who were in this situation, and others differently circumstanced, was in many cases impossible. The bias of Englishmen in favour of personal liberty, the interest and convenience of officers, and others, who were benefited by

the labour of negroes, induced a very liberal construction of the treaty, with regard to the slaves; but a very unjust one, with regard to their owners. One failure involved another. Debts contracted by Americans, for property destroyed or carried away, or for negroes taken off, could not be discharged in some instances, because the destruction of property, and carrying away of negroes, deprived the debtors of the means of payment. Even where the price of the negroes carried off had been paid, the circumstance of their being carried off made the payment of other debts impossible; for, in the southern states, which were most indebted to Britain, land, without negroes, instead of aiding to pay an old debt, generally involved the possessor, in an accumulation of new ones. The evil did not terminate here. The nonpayment of debts, from American to British subjects, was assign, ed by Great Britain, as a reason for retaining the posts on the south side of the lakes, which form the northern boundary of the United States. This diminished the capacity of the Americans to pay their British creditors, as it encouraged the Indians, in the neighbourhood, to make war on the United States, and deprived the latter of an opportunity to sell their north-western lands. During twelve years after the peace, these lands remained unsaleable, and generally unproductive; and, for a great part of the same period, Indian wars, proceeding from the neighbourhood of the British posts, and said to be encouraged by them, cost the United States several millions of dollars, besides diminishing the productive industry of the country. Before the revolution, British subjects, on the east side of the Atlantic, found an interest in giving credit, and making advances, to British subjects, on its west side. The war found the latter deeply indebted to the former. While it raged, remittances were forbidden, or impracticable. On the return of peace, the principal of the debt was undiminished, and a serious discussion arose, whether, and how far, it had been increased, by interest during the war. The long delays of payment had nearly ruined the British merchants, trading to America, and made them clamorous for immediate remittances. In the state of the country, this was

impracticable, even by solvent, honest creditors. The inhabitants were greatly impoverished, by an eight years' war. Their property had been repeatedly taken from them, for the support of both friends and foes. Much of their labour had been abstracted from agriculture, by calls on them for militia duty. Their commerce had been so nearly annihilated, by the superior naval power of their enemy, that imported arti→ cles, though universally wanted, were both scarce and dear, while their native commodities were in little demand, and of low price. Peace found the Americans destitute, not only of the elegancies, but, in many cases, even of the conveniences of life; and without the means of procuring them, otherwise than on credit, founded on the anticipation of their future industry. After an eight years' interruption of trade, an immen. sity of foreign merchandise was suddenly imported and sold on credit, too generally asked, and too often given. The manifold wants of the citizens, and their sanguine prospects of the future, tempted many to purchase, beyond their ability to pay. They were led to this indiscretion, by an expectation, that the evidences of the public debts, which they possessed, would soon constitute an efficient fund for their relief; and that the temptation, which equal liberty and vacant lands held out to Europeans, would speedily fill their country with inhabitants, and cause an extraordinary and rapid rise in the value of their lands. Delusive hopes, created by these, and similar unfounded anticipations of good, supposed to be within their grasp, added to the want of credit, and confidence between man and man, and an inefficient government, produced a scene of unparalleled pecuniary distress, among the citizens of the United States, who had fondly hoped that peace and independence, superadded to the natural advantages of their country, would speedily raise them to the pinnacle of earthly happiness.

Evidences of acknowledged claims, on the public, would not command, in market, more than one-fifth of their nominal value. The bonds of solvent men, payable at no very distant day, could not be negociated, but at a discount of thirty, forty, or fifty per centum. Landed property would rarely

command any price, and sales of the most common articles, for ready money, could only be made, at an enormous and ruinous depreciation. State legislatures, in too many instances, yielded to the necessities of their constituents, and passed laws, by which creditors were compelled, either to wait for payment of their just demands, on the tender of security, or to take property, at a valuation, or paper money falsely purporting to be the representative of specie. These laws were considered, by the British, as inconsistent with that article of the treaty, which stipulated, "that creditors should meet with no legal impediments, to the recovery, in sterling money, of all bona fide debts." The Americans palliated these measures, by the plea of necessity; and some attempted to justify them, by contending, that the treaty was fulfilled, while the laws placed British creditors on the same footing with such of their own citizens, as had equally just demands, on their fellow citizens. This unhappy state of things, in which, one of the parties to the treaty of peace had a right to demand that, with which the other had not the means of complying, produced much ill humour between the two countries.

The rigorous commercial system, pursued by Britain, was another source of uneasiness. The Americans, as colonists, had carried on a gainful trade with the British West Indies; but as citizens of independent states, this source of procuring gold and silver was closed against their adventurous mariners. It was the opinion of intelligent Americans, that the trade of the United States with Great Britain was of equal importance to both, and that their commercial intercourse should, therefore, be established on equal terms. To adjust these matters, and to obviate growing misunderstandings, John Adams was, in February, 1785, appointed minister plenipotentiary, to represent the United States, at the court of London. His strenuous endeavours to establish a commercial compact were unsuccessful. The United States expected, from Britain, considerable relaxations of her navigation act, and a free admission into her colonies; but neither could be obtained, on any permanent footing. Mr. Adams, seeing no prospect of serving his country, asked, and obtained leave, to