as if he must have rejoiced inwardly, despite his show of impatience.

The rest of his task was comparatively easy; with both the French and Italian 1 malcontents he felt that he knew how to deal. Apparently, however, he was seriously hindered. There were trouble and delay at every stage, ostensibly.

It was on August sixth that Bonaparte in person proclaimed the Concordat to the council of state. The announcement was received with the icy silence of disapproval. So, too, the Pope found not only small encouragement in the college of cardinals as a whole, but a determined resistance on the part of several. Nevertheless, on August thirteenth he issued a brief containing the motives of his action, and on the fifteenth, in the bull "Ecclesia Dei," called on the refractory bishops of the French dioceses to resign. Ratifications were exchanged between the contracting parties on September tenth. It was almost a year later—not until April fifth, 1802-that all preliminaries for putting the law into execution were arranged and the Concordat was finally accepted by the legislature. Of eighty-one bishops surviving from the old regime, forty-five resigned and the rest were deposed; thirteen refused to acquiesce in their deposition, and, persisting in the assertion of an empty dignity, formed the "Little Church" already mentioned. In spite of repeated efforts by Leo XII. and Gregory XVI., the schism of the "Little Church" was not extinguished until 1893 by the letter of Leo XIII. to the Bishop of Poitiers; and to this day there is still a little band of irreconcilables in France, although they have no organization.

1 For the movement inaugurated in Lombardy and Piedmont by Scipio de Ricei, see

Botta, Storia d'Italia, dal 1789 al 1815.

The new bishops of the Concordat, sixty in number, including the ten archbishops, were presented by the government and instituted by the Pope; of the entire number only fifteen were former Constitutionals. Thereupon the whole system, episcopal, diocesan, and parochial, was unified and reorganized. At the close of service in every church the prayer ascended: "Domine, fac salvam rempublicam; Domine, salvos fac consules." Proper salaries were paid by the state to all ecclesiastics, church estates were confirmed to their actual possessors, and Pius granted to the consuls all the rights of sovereigns to wit, exemption from the jurisdiction of the Ordinary, absolution by their own confessors in cases otherwise reserved to the Pope, the right of visiting monasteries, of not being excommunicated without special papal authorization, and of being canons in the Church of St. John Lateran in Rome. The temporal power of Pius VII. was recognized, a nuncio took up his residence in Paris, and a French ambassador in Rome. This was the performance of what the lawyers call a synallagmatic contract, going into operation by the mutual or reciprocal fulfilment of obligations.

The Concordat was at one and the same time a law of the state and of the church. Quite otherwise the "Organic Articles of the Catholic Cult," which were voted simultaneously as a purely secular measure and were never submitted to Pius VII. Under the pretence of "police regulation" Napoleon harked back to the Gallican Declaration of 1682 as the norm of state action, his object being to exclude the Pope completely from all direct interference in the affairs of the church throughout France, and to centralize ecclesiastical administration in his own hands. This legacy of the old monarchy had been utterly discredited by

experience. Under its provisions all acts of the Vatican and of foreign synods were subject to state verification, no council could be held without state authorization, prelates could not even visit Rome without state permission, and the right of appeal ab abusu to lay courts was asserted. So far we can find nothing to blame. A foreign power as such should not intervene in the affairs of any state except through the government; it was likewise well to separate spiritual from temporal affairs, to regulate marriage as a civil contract, and to charge the administration with keeping vital statistics.

But the rest has been justly stigmatized as administrative despotism. Liberty of organization, of forms in worship, of ecclesiastical dress, of teaching and preaching, of all that makes for freedom, was utterly cut off. Even the Protestants, whose ecclesiastical affairs were regulated by another set of organic articles and who had no religious head, were virtually stripped of the right of free choice in unessentials; as Pastor Vincent of Nimes remarked, religion became a department of government, a subject of administration. The minister of state, Count Portalis, who endeavored to justify the Concordat in a famous speech, was accused of an effort to turn God himself into a French functionary, and this is literally what was attempted later under the First Empire. Discipline, doctrine, and even dogma were alike placed under state control. It was indeed a remarkable series of regulations to secure what the Concordat styled "public tranquillity.” Wherever there was a Protestant church the Catholics were forbidden to celebrate their rites without the walls of their own churches or to march in procession through the streets with ecclesiastical pomp. Pius VII. was of course outraged at being so overreached.

He at once began a series of protests, which continued for fifteen years, under the Consulate and the Empire with no results, and under the Restoration with almost negligible success.

To the Protestants perfect toleration with state support was assured. Both the Calvinists and the Lutherans of France were organized into state churches by their own "organic laws," passed simultaneously with the others. Their parishes, consistories, and synods were formed and regulated under state control, and their officers began to receive state pay. So, too, a little later, the Jews, by the device of a Grand Sanhedrim summoned to meet at Paris, were organized into synagogues and consistories; the rabbis were to be paid a sum fixed by the state, but at first these moneys were raised by voluntary contributions; they were not made a charge on the public treasury until 1831. All Jews were forced to adopt and use family names, perform military service, forswear polygamy, and subscribe the oath of national allegiance. For other forms of worship, Greek, Anglican, and Mussulman being the only ones known to have any substantial numbers of adherents, complete protection was assured under a voluntary system of support.

With the unavoidable breach between the full-blown despot, the Emperor Napoleon, and the Pope we have here nothing to do, for it was an historic episode without historic results of any weight as regards the revolutionary epoch. For the subsequent epoch it had considerable importance. The Napoleonic system was by its author extended for an appreciable period over both Italy and Spain, as well as over the French Empire proper. In the Italian Concordat of 1803 it was stipulated that the Catholic religion should be the state religion. This was a bitter disappointment to the

cant.

Italian liberals. Yet the results were almost insignifiThe affairs of the Roman Church were managed by shifts and uncanonical expedients throughout not only the Catholic but the Protestant lands of western and central Europe. The secular authorities meddled at their will, partly because of a general loss of respect for the papacy and partly because the Pope was in captivity; he was a prisoner, even though his prison was the palace of Fontainebleau.

This situation lasted until 1814, and the consequences in France itself, but especially elsewhere in Europe, were far reaching. Jacobinism had penetrated Germany in the camp equipage of the French armies, and altars had been erected to Reason in many towns, notably Mentz, Treves, and Cologne.1 When the left bank of the Rhine became French the secular princes were indemnified, as long before by the Treaty of Westphalia, in the vast ecclesiastical estates which were permanently secularized and incorporated into the modern states of Europe. These were for the most part ruled by Protestant princes, or at least by such as were ready to break with Rome. Roman Catholicism lost everything in the nature of effective secular protection throughout the Continent, except in the single case of Dalberg, who secured from Napoleon the primacy of Germany and retained for a time as an ecclesiastical prince such portions of Mentz, Treves, and Cologne as were on the right bank of the Rhine. The estates of all chapters, monasteries, and abbeys passed, by authorization of the imperial "deputation" held at Ratisbon in 1803, into the hands of the secular authority, to be used for the support of worship, education,

1 For an interesting discussion of what was done by the secret societies of the Illuminati in preparing the way,

see Venedey: Die Deutschen Republicaner unter der Französischen Republik, p. 91.