a departure is essential for the effective pursuit of the national defense, and then only temporarily to meet any great emergency. In January, of this year, the Council of National Defense authorized the Committee on Labor to promote its advisory work directly through the United States Department of Labor, securing its authorization for new activities from the Secretary, who is also a member of the Council of National Defense. The Secretary by reason of the fact of lack of means and the recognition that the various committees of the Committee on Labor have to a large degree perfected their organizations, advised that these vari

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committees continue to function until the department is prepared to take them over. Co-operation with the Food Adminis tration has been one of the large endeavors of the Committee on Labor.

National Committee on Welfare Work: The directing motive of the Committee on Welfare Work has been that indispensable service under war conditions must be organized in furtherance of two purposes. conservation of the humans and productivity. The work of the committee has been so divided as to take into account the needs of the workers during and after working hours. I has taken into consideration the fact that to secure the best service in peace or in war, there must be insured the existence of good will and initiative on the part of the workers and that good will can exist only under equitable conditions. This committee planned to safeguard the health of workers chiefly through a campaign of education and in co-operation with existing agencies, the neans to be employed being illustrated lectures, moving pictures, illustrated literature for employers, workers, lecturers, and preachers, and the agencies to be used being trade unions, fraternity lodges, churches, chambers of commerce, employers' associa tions, miscellaneous conventions, etc. The committee proposed to undertake to bring home to employers in the most forceful way the necessity of establishing correct standards to the end that the government shall receive from the industries engaged in the production of war materials the best possible results and at the same time conserve the health and efficiency of the most import. ant machine which the government has at its disposal--the human machine. The definition of welfare work adopted by the Committee on Labor is: Maintaining and improv ing working and living conditions of employes; especially applicable to mines, railroads, factories, stores, and public institutions. The types of employes considered are: (a) Industrial; (b) Public: (c) Soldiers and Sailors and their dependents; (d) Field Mechanics in active service. The most notable efforts of the Committee on Welfare Work and the most beneficial to the government in relation to the successful prosecu tion of the war, are the Sections on Compensation for Enlisted Men and their Dependents, and on Housing, and on Industrial Training for the War Emergency. The achievements of all three, to date, have clearly demonstrated the invaluable services which the Committee on Labor may render to the government with regard to national defense. The principles upon which these features of Welfare Work, in the committee's

assigned task are based, are the health, welfare, and efficiency of the workers in the vital industries upon which all else depends. Only these matters that relate to the successful prosecution of the war have been included in the program of work On the theory that the industrial army which will supply the fighting forces of the country with arms, clothing and food, is second in importance only to the military establishment of the government, the committee has been working industriously on plans for the conservation and welfare of the workers throughout the nation. Industrial, scientific and health experts at great personal sacrifice have been working for months on special reports. Three have been issued which should aid employers in conserving the health of the workers in their plants. They form a part of the Welfare Work series and are: Industrial fatigue (which indicates how to reduce industrial fatigue); manufacture and loading of high explosives (providing, among other things, standards for adequate sanitary devices), and code of lighting (which will be especially useful in undertaking to secure state legislation). Other important reports have been submitted by committees upon "Ventilation,' "Abnormal Atmospheric Pressures," "Diagnostic Clinics,' "Medical Supervision," and "Village and Public Sanitation," which it is hoped may be published by the govern. ment, since those which have been issued, by the use of voluntary funds, have been proven of value. The Divisional Committee on Industrial Fatigue has conducted investigations in factories manufacturing war supplies for the purpose of determining whether unnecessary fatigue is present and discovering the safe conditions under which a maximum continuous output may be obtained. Its preliminary report is intended chiefly for manufacturers. It deals not only with the means of detecting fatigue but the introduction of rest periods, providing adjustable seats, omitting unnecessary motions, proper ventilation of workrooms, adjusting the hours of work, avoiding overtime, omitting Sunday work and sanitary conditions outside of factories. The Divisional Committee on Industrial Diseases, Poisons, and Explosives, in its report on the manufacture and loading of high explosives, covers 30 topics, among the most important being washing and eating facili ties with reference to the prevention of poisoning. The Chairman of the Section on Sanitation, under which this committee operates, inaugurated conferences with employers in the industry before the adoption of the report. The manufacturers' representatives agreed without exception to adopt the rules and regulations in the report as the practice for their establishments and they have circulated large numbers of copies in their plants to that end. These reports were submitted to the employers after they had been approvel by the Chairman. The Chairman of the Committee on Labor appointed upon the Divisional Committee on Lighting in each state a member of the Illuminating Engineering Society, nominated by its president. The Code of Lighting" has been sent to the head of each state bureau of labor who will be consulted by that state member of the Lighting Committee

with reference to the best means of enlisting the interest of employers voluntarily to adopt this means of protection for the workers. All three reports have been sought by manufacturers, educators and officials of labor organizations. Powder companies are asking for them in large quantities. The Sheffield Scientific School at Yale was provided with a supply adequate for the senior mechanical engineers, and the Division of Education at Harvard University was furnished with a similar quantity to use in its war emergency course for employment managers, now in session.

The Section on Housing: It was appar ent that neither ships nor supplies for our boys in Europe could be adequately forthcoming without shelter for the workers and that there must be government financial aid in many instances as local capital had practically been exhausted in providing operating expenses where enormous contracts had been placed by the government. Much has beer said about slackers among the workers but very little about the exposure of those workers during rigorous weather which made it almost impossible for continuous labor. Little has been said about the long trips with inadequate transportation, to and from the workplaces. The revelations of conditions through the committee on Labor ultimately developed legislation under which the Shipping Board was authorized to $50,000,000 of its appropriations for housing its employes, and the President of the United States to use $60,000,000; $10,000,000 for housing government employes in the District of Columbia, and $50,000,000 for housing munition workers. In each instance the plant outlined by the Committee on Labor were incorporated in the legislation.

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Section on Industrial Training for the War Emergency: This section of the Welfare Division of the Committee on Labor is composed of one-third labor, one-third employers and one-third practical educators. State committees similarly organized have bcen developed where war products are be ing made. Vestibule schools, so-called be. cause the workers are introduced to the shop through them, have been organized in aeroplane plants and essential war trades. Great care has been taken to advocate that unemployed men be adapted and trained in new trades for the period of the war and that unskilled men be trained wherever possible before resorting to dilution or the employ. ment of women. In spite of this persistent effort, it appears the women have been taken largely into various trades and their adaptability and readiness in taking training has developed a problem, the solution of which will require much earnest consideration. Every vestibule school, because of the thorough training given, has yielded approx. imately 25 per cent increase in production, both for men and women. The labor turnover has been reduced materially by the training thus given. Among the investigations made by the section on Industrial Training, because of the enormous demand for skilled machinists and toolmakers, there was one in the state of Massachusetts where the unemployed numbered 10,866 men had in that number only 227 machinists. this world war of machines, it is clear, the report continues, that training must be di

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rected toward those special trades to a large degree and the effort is to train skilled men from dull trades to war production. Unskilled and inexperienced workers are being trained to become efficient operators on machine tools, either in regular machine work or tool work by subdividing the processes and training the recruits upon the work under exact shop conditions. This makes operators in one or more processes capable of getting production but not skilled tradesmen and they will not therefore flood the trade after the war. One interesting result of training resident unemployed is the practical elimination of the housing problem in certain instances. The chairman has addressed the leading metal, machine, tool and other employers' associations in the en. deavor to induce them to adopt the methods of training recommended by this section of the Committee on Labor. It should be added that a labor man is one of the three members of its executive committee closely in touch with all its activities. The interests of labor are being guarded in every possible way in this connection.

Accident Prevention: Special effort has been made by the Division on Industrial Accident Prevention to have included standard safety devices in the equipment of all machinery at the time of its manufacture or before its installation, by appeal to the Supply and Machinery Manufacturers of the country to take suitable action in connection with specifications for all contracts for machinery.

Home Nursing: The Division on Home Nursing of the Committee on Welfare Work, organized to furnish information concerning industrial nursing service and to make it available, has issued a circular which has been sent by the Chairman of the Committee on Labor to trade unions, urging them to request the employment of nurses in industrial plants and that the members of their families make greater use of public health nurses in their communities; also that the trade union influence be exerted for the extension of nursing service in rural districts. The purpose of this appeal is to guard the physical condition of our men and women in industry and their families in their homes as a national obligation to safeguard our body of citizens at this crucial time.

Section on Recreation: This section, which is in process of organization, will confine its efforts to shipbuilding, aeroplane making and munition making centers. It has made preliminary surveys of conditions indicating the necessity of providing requisite recreation outside munition making plants to give complete change and relief from the tension under which many are working. State welfare committees are in process of appointment, to co-operate with state, health and labor boards and to make the national Committee on Welfare Work more readily accessible in the various sections of the country. These state committees are to consist of five members, two to be named by employers, two as representa. tives of labor already nominated by State Federations of Labor, and one other who is recognized from his standing in the community as acceptable both to employers and labor, preferably to be selected by these four. These state welfare committees are

to be understood as operating in the jurisdiction of the State Councils of Defense.

Wilson's Address at Buffalo, President— (1917, p. 2) Mr. President, Delegates of the American Federation of Labor, Ladies and Gentlemen: I esteem it a great priv. ilege and a real honor to be thus admitted to your public councils. When your Execu tive Committee paid me the compliment of inviting me here, I gladly accepted the invitation because it seems to me that this above all other times in our history is the time for common counsel, for the drawing together not only of the energies but of the minds of the nation. I thought that it was a welcome opportunity for disclosing to you some of the thoughts that have been gathering in my mind during the last momentous months.

I am introduced to you as the President of the United States, and yet I would be pleeased if you would put the thought of the office into the background and regard me as one of your fellow-citizens who has come here to speak, not the words of authority, but the words of counsel, the words which men should speak to one another who wish to be frank in a moment more critical perhaps than the history of the world has ever known; a moment when it is every man's duty to forget himself, to forget his own interests, to fill himself with the nobility of a great national and world conception and act upon 8 new platform elevated above the ordinary affairs of life and lifted to where men have views of the long destiny of mankind. I think that in order to realize just what this moment of counsel is it is very desirable that we should remind ourselves just how this war came about and just what it is for. You can explain most wars very simply, but the explanation of this is not so simple. Its roots run deep into all the obscure soils of history, and in my view this is the last decisive issue between the old principles of power and the new principles of freedom.

The war was started by Germany. Her authorities deny that they started it, but I am willing to let the statement I have just made await the verdict of history. And the thing that needs to be explained is why Germany started the war. Remember what the position of Germany in the world was as enviable a position as any nation has ever occupied. The whole world stood at admiration of her wonderful intellectual and material achievements. All the intellcctual men of the world went to school to her. As a university man I have been surrounded by men trained in Germany, men who had resorted to Germany because nowhere else could they get such thorough and searching training, particularly in the principles of science and the principles that underlie modern material achievement. Her men of science had made her industries perhaps the most competent industries of the world, and the label "Made in Germany' was a guarantee of good workmanship and of sound material. She had access to all the markets of the world, and every other nation who traded in those markets feared Germany because of her effective and almost irresistible competition. She had "a place in the sun."

Why was she not satisfied? What more did she want? There was nothing in the

world of peace that she did not already have and have in abundance. We boast of the extraordinary pace of American advancement. We show with pride the statistics of the increase of our industries and of the population of our cities. Well, those statistics did not match the recent statistics of Germany. Her old cities took on youth, grew faster than any American cities ever grew. Her old industries opened their eyes and saw a new world and went out for its conquest. And yet the authorities of Germany were not satisfied. You Lave one part of the answer to the question. why she was not satisfied in her methods of competition. There is no important industry in Germany upon which the government has not laid its hands, to direct it and when necessity arose control it; and you have only to ask any man whom you meet who is familiar with the conditions that prevailed before the war in the matter of national competition to find out the methods of competition which the German manufacturers and exporters used under the patronage and support of the government of Germany. You will find that they were the same sorts of competition that we have tried to prevent by law within our own borders. If they could not sell their goods cheaper than we could sell ours at a profit to themselves, they could get a subsidy from the government which made it possible to sell them cheaper anyhow, and the conditions of competition were thus controlled in a large measure by the German government itself.

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But that did not satisfy the German gov. ernment. All the while there was lying behind its thought in its dreams of the future a political control which would enable it in the long run to dominate the labor and the industry of the world. They were not content with success by superior achievement; they wanted success by authority. pose very few of you have thought much about the Berlin-to-Bagdad Railway. The Berlin-to-Bagdad Railway was constructed in order to run the threat of force down the flank of the industrial undertakings of half a dozen other countries; so that when German competition came in it would not be resisted too far, because there was always the possibility of getting German armies into the heart of that country quicker than any other armies could be got there.

Look at the map of Europe now! Germany is thrusting upon us again and again the discussion of peace talks about what? Talks about Belgium; talks about northern France; talks about Alsace-Lorraine. Well, those are deeply interesting subjects to us and to them, but they are not talking about the heart of the matter. Take the map and look at it. Germany has absolute control of Austria-Hungary, practical control of the Balkan states, control of Turkey. control of Asia Minor. I saw a map in which the whole thing was printed in appropriate black the other day, and the black stretched all the way from Hamburg to Bagdad--the bulk of German power inserted into the heart of the world. If she can keep that, she has kept all that her dreams contemplated when the war began. If she can keep that, her power can disturk the world as long as she keeps it, always provided, for I feel bound to put this

proviso in always provided the present influences that control the German government continue to control it. I believe that the spirit of freedom can get into the hearts of Germans and find as fine a welcome there as it can find in any other hearts, but the spirit of freedom does not suit the plans of the Pan-Germans. Power cannot be used with concentrated force against free pecples if it is used by free people.

You know how many intimations came to us from one of the Central Powers that it is more anxious for peace than the chief Central Power, and you know that it means that the people in that Central Power know that if the war ends as it stands they will in effect themselves be vassals of Germany, notwithstanding that their populations are compounded of all the peoples of that part of the world, and notwithstanding the fact that they do not wish in their pride and proper spirit of nationality to be so absorbed and dominated. Germany is determined that the political power of the world shall belong to her. There have been such ambitions before. They have been in part realized, but never before have those ambitions heen based upon so exact and precise and scientific a plan of domination.

May I not say that it is amazing to me that any group of persons should be so illinformed as to suppose, as some groups in Russia apparently suppose, that any reforms planned in the interest of the people can live in the presence of a Germany powerful enough to undermine or overthrow them by intrigue or force? Any body of free men that compounds with the present German government is compounding for its own destruction. But that is not the whole of the story. Any man in America or anywhere else that supposes that the free industry and enterprise of the world can continue if the Pan-German plan is achieved and German power fastened upon the world is as fatuous as the dreamers in Russia. What I am opposed to is not the feeling of the pacifists but their stupidity. My heart is with them but my mind has a contempt for them. I want peace, but I know how to get it and they do not.

You will notice that I sent a friend of mine, Colonel House, to Europe, who is as great a lover of peace as any man in the world, but I didn't send him on a peace mission yet. I sent him to take part in a conference as to how the war was to be won, and he knows, as I know, that that is the way to get peace if you want it for raore than a few minutes.

All of this is a preface to the conference that I have referred to with regard to what we are going to do. If we are true friends of freedom of our own or anybody else'n, we will see that the power of this country and the productivity of this country is raised to its absolute maximum, and that absolutely nobody is allowed to stand in the way of it. When I say that nobody is allowed to stand in the way I do not mean that they shall be prevented by the power of the government, but by the power of the American spirit. Our duty, if we are to do this great thing and show America to be what we believe her to be the greatest hope and energy of the world-is to stand

together night and day until the job is finished.

While we are fighting for freedom, we must see among other things that labor is free, and that means a number of interesting things. It means not only that we must do what we have declared our purpose to do, see that the conditions of labor are not rendered more onerous by the war, but also that we shall see to it that the instrumentalities by which the conditions of labor are improved are not blocked or checked. That we must do. That has been the matter about which I have taken pleasure in conferring from time to time with your President, Mr. Gompers; and if I may be permitted to do so. I want to express my admiration of his patriotic courage, his large vision, and his statesmanlike sense of what has to be done. I like to lay my mind alongside of a mind that knows how to pull in harness. The horses that kick over the traces will have to be put in a corral.

Now, to stand together means that nobody must interrupt the processes of our energy, if the interruption can possibly be avoided without the absolute invasion of freedom. To put it concretely, that means this: Nobody has a right to stop the processes of labor until all the methods of conciliation and settlement have been exhausted. And I might as well say right here that I am not talking to you alone. You sometimes stop the courses of labor, but there are others who do the same; and I believe that I am speaking from my own experience not only, but from the experience of others, when I say that you are reasonable in a larger number of cases than the capitalists. I am not saying these things to them personally yet, because I haven't had a chance, but they have to be said, not in any spirit of criticism, but in order to clear the atmosphere and come down to business. Everybody on both sides has now got to transact business, and a settlement is never impossible when both sides want to do the square and right thing.

Moreover, a settlement is always hard to avoid when the parties can be brought face to face. I can differ from a man much more radically when he is not in the room than I can when he is in the room, because them the awkward thing is he can come back at me and answer what I say. It is always dangerous for a man to have the floor entirely to himself. Therefore, we must insist in every instance that the parties come into each other's presence and there discuss the issues between them and not separately in places which have no communication with each other. I always like to remind myself of a delightful saying of an Englishman of a past generation, Charles Lamb. He stuttered a little bit, and once when he was with a group of friends he spoke very harshly of some man who was not present. One of his friends seid, "Why, Charles, I didn't know that you know So and So." "O-o-oh," he said, I-I d-d-don't; I-I can't h-h-hate a ru-m-man I know."' There is a great deal of human nature, of very pleasant human nature, in the saying. It is hard to hate a man you know. I may admit, parentheti

cally, that there are some politicians whose methods I do not at all believe in but they are jolly good fellows, and if they only would not talk the wrong kind of politics I would love to be with them.

So it is all along the line, in serious malters and things less serious. We are all of the same clay and spirit, and we can get together if we desire to get together. Therefore, my counsel to you is this: Let us show ourselves Americans by showing that we do not want to go off in separate camps or groups by ourselves, but that we want to co-operate with all other classes and all other groups in the common enterprise which is to release the spirits of the world from bondage. I would be willing to set that up as the final test of an American. That is the meaning of democracy. I have been very much distressed, my fellow-citizens, by some of the things that have happened recently. The mob spirit is displaying itself here and there in this country. I have no sympathy with what some men are saying, but I have no sympathy with the men who take their punishment into their own hands, and I want to say to every man who does join such a mob that I do not recognize him as worthy of the free institutions of the United States. There are some organizations in this country whose object is anarchy and the demeet struction of law, but I would not their efforts by making myself partner in despise destroying the law. and hate their purpose as much as any man, but I respect the ancient processes of justice, and I would be too proud not to see them done justice, however wrong they are.

So I want to utter my earnest protest against any manifestation of the spirit of lawlessness anywhere or in any cause. Why, gentlemen, look what it means. We claim to be the greatest democratic people in the world, and democracy means first of all that we can govern ourselves. If our men have not self-control, then they are not capable of that great thing which we call democratic government. A man who takes the law into his own hands is not the right man to cooperate in any formation or development of law and institutions, and some of the processes by which the struggle between capital and labor is carried on are processes that come very near to taking the law into your own hands. I do not mean for a moment to compare it with what I have just been speaking of, but I want you to see that they are mere gradations in this manifestation of the unwillingness to co-operate, and that the fundamental lesson of the whole situation is that we must not only take common counsel, but that we must yield to and obey common counsel. Not all of the instrumentalities for this are at hand. I am hopeful that in the very near future new instrumentalities may be organized by which we can see to it that various things that are now going on ought not to go on. There are various processes of the dilution of labor and the unnecessary substitution of labor and the bidding in distant markets and unfairly upsetting the whole competition of labor which ought not to go on; I mean now on the part of employers, and we must interject into this some instrumentality of co-operation by which the fair thing will

So, my fellow-citizens, the reason I came away from Washington is that I sometimes get lonely down there. There are so many people in Washington who know things

that are not so, and there are so few people who know anything about what the people of the United States are thinking about. I have to come away and get reminded of the rest of the country. I have to come away and talk to men who are up against the real thing, and say to them, "I am with you if you are with me.'' And the only test of being with me is not to think about me personally at all but merely to think of me as the expression for the time being of the power and dignity and hope of the United States.

Wilson, Woodrow (1917, p. 462) We, the delegates to this Thirty-seventh Annua! Convention of the American Federation of Labor, herewith and hereby convey to the Honorable Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, our profound appreciation of his presence upon the opening day of the convention and for the direct frankness with which he addressed us. That there is particular gratification in the fact that the first President of the United States to honor and inspire by his presence a convention of the American Federation of Labor should be so staunch a defender and so able an interpreter of the fundamental principles of practical democracy. That aft er sober, serious-minded consideration of the industrial problems arising as the result of our country's participation in the war for human rights and the perpetuation of democratic institutions, we pledge to him our undivided support in carrying the war to a successful conclusion, in supporting him in his efforts to apply the principles of democracy to the solution of the problems which arise in industry, and in conducting the war so that it shall be a war of the people, continued in defense of the fundamental institutions for human liberty transmitted to us by the forefathers of our country.

Women In Industry-(1918, pp. 71-315) The Committee on Women in Industry of the National Council of Defense was appointed to advise on women's employment in such ways as to bring about the maximum effectiveness of the woman power of the country, To save wastage of woman strength is even riore essential than to avoid waste materials. Wage earning women must be assured such hours and remuneration and such conditions of work as will promote their fullest work. ing capacity. Only by preserving health and general welfare can this be attained. Woman's labor must reach its highest effi ciency. By her service in the second line of defense the war must be won. The com. mittee has a membership of 84 women, 35 of whom are representatives of labor. The remainder are experts on labor problems and representatives of the employers and the general public. The official status of the Committee makes it necessary to secure rep. resentation of all the interests of the com.