It was made conservative in order that I might be absolutely within the truth. Realizing the importance of making the statement, I had a consultation with VicePresidents Duncan and Huber, and they asked me to write it down as soon as possible after I returned to Washington. In spite of that this very important statement was overlooked. Mr. Brandenburg said: "They are determined to destroy the men at the head of the labor movement, and particularly yourself, unless we can get you. We have men who have made affidavits, men you have trusted in the labor movement, who have been national officers and who have had your confidence. If the information we have or can find is insufficient, we have got the bureau that can and will manufacture it." I could stand before you another hour and tell of these things. could tell you of men whose names have been given who are in the employ of the labor organizations as business agents and cfficers who are also in the pay of the Farleys, the Farrells, and this Century Syndicate, all of them either agents of the National Manufacturers' Association, or auxiliaries and companies formed by it for the purpose of destroying the men in the labor movement. In all the history of the labor movement in any country on the face of the globe, in all the world, I do not believe that any coterie of the worst representatives of the capitalistic class have been so cruel, so brutal, so malignant and conscienceless as these Van Cleve hirelings have shown themselves to be. Delegate Berger Mr. Chairman and Fellow Delegates: For some years past it has been my lot to come here and vote against the unanimous election of President Gompers. This year I promise to move to make his election unanimous. (Applause.) I move a vote of confidence in President Gempers and the entire Executive Council. I move that everybody stand up. The motion was seconded and carried by a unanimous rising vote, accompanied by three cheers for President Gompers. (p. 267) These resolutions were adopted unanimously: un RESOLVED, By the 27th Annual Convention of the A. F. of L. that the delegates herein assembled express their fullest confidence in the integrity, honesty and faltering courage of President Gompers. We herein give our unqualified endorsement to everything he has done and said, by pen, word and effort in advancing the cause of labor, by combating this un-American organization of manufacturers for which Mr. Van Cleave presumes to speak. Be it further RESOLVED, That the course of the National Association of Manufacturers, under the administration of President Van Cleave, makes our duty clear. We have no quarrel with any organization of employers whose aim and purpose is to promote the industries of our country, and who seek amicable relations with labor. With such we are pleased to co-operate, but with the aforesaid Association, whose enmity is so apparent, we accept any challenge they may send. We will continue to organize and educate the American wage earners, fully protecting their rights and securing for them economic conditions, long denied by the type of manufac I A. F. of L. Power Over Unions-(1913, p. 290) Convention refused to endorse plan for Executive Council to take full charge of national and international unions, when threatened with secessions. Decided no one could take charge of a union who is not a member of it and without its consent. A. F. of L. Solidarity-(1906, pp. 11-176) The growth of this Federation is not merely numerical. It has an inheritance of good deeds done, a present of active ability, a future of potential possibilities. What we will we can. To transform inertia into determination, ignorance into intelligence, disunion into a cohesive associated effort, is the legitimate and practical propaganda of this Federation, and it has most assuredly justified its mission. The wage-earners of America are better educated economically, broader-minded fraternally, and more independent in the exercise of their powers as citizens because of the existence of the Federation and its affiliated national, state, central and local bodies. The federative principle is a powerful force in promoting the solidarity of labor. Back of all organization is the individual with his personal bias, prejudice and temperament. In annual conventions the labor representatives of the continent get knowledge of each other's ideas and personalities. The curse of labor has been the division and misunder standing existing among men of different races and creeds, in removing this misunderstanding what other influence has accomplished so much as the association of men carrying the union card? We desire to emphasize the value of our central bodies. They do for each locality an even greater work in this direction than a national body can accomplish. our A. F. of L. Suppresses Nothing-(1910, p. 350) Every report, resolution, recommendation or suggestion coming before the convention received the earnest consideration of the delegates. There are many gatherings of men and women in which things that are thought inconvenient or unacceptable are suppressed by reference to a committee, where they are killed and buried. The American Federation of Labor has this record, that, no matter what opinion may be held by a delegate, if he expresses it in the form of a resolution it is given consideration by the convention. We realize the thought and the principle that that country is best, that organization is best where the greatest freedom obtains and where the rights of the minority are guaranteed. It must be a source of great gratification to all to know that after two weeks' sessions, to which the delegates have given assiduous and earnest attention, we are prepared to close this convention without one thought suppressed or without one suggestion which has not been given due consideration. A. F. of L. Threatened-(1901, p. 256) The convention gave this answer to a threat by delegates from an international union to withdraw from the American Federation of Labor if certain things were not done: deplore the fact that an affiliated national body in submitting a grievance should depart from the principles of trades unionism and We violate the spirit in which the organized wage-earner desires that all disputes, whether between employers and employes or between the wage-earners themselves, should be taken up. This grievance has been presented for our consideration coupled with a threat and we believe that we would be careless of our duty should we allow such a matter to be introduced, believing that at all times we should stand firmly by the spirit of conciliation and arbitration. "Agreement Day"-1907, p. 333) Resolutions favoring local unions in various cities and centers of industry arranging a specific day for all wage agreements to expire and new ones made were defeated, the convention fearing that even an indorsement of the plan might bring about a conflict and unnecessary troubles for organizations having joint agreements. Since then unions for their own reasons have contended for an agreement day that will benefit their particular needs. May 1 has gradually disappeared as a day for the expiration of agreements and in recent years there are no great May Day disputes. (1913, p. 317) Convention endorsed policy of having local agreements in allied industries terminate upon the same date, enabling all unions employed in an industry to act upon their wage scales and other terms of employ. ment at the same time. Resolution to same effect defeated in 1915 (p. 308), the convention giving this reason: "Many trades find certain periods of the year more favorable for making agreements with employers." Agreements, Trade (1907, p. 204) We condemn as unwise and injurious to the wage workers the agitation that has recently been inaugurated against the trade agreement. As long as the condition of employer and employe exists there will necessarily have to be agreements actual or implied. They may be either written or oral, for a specific period or terminable at will; they may be entered into individually or collectively, but the moment any person accepts employment that moment a contract begins. The interests of the worker as well as the basic philosophy of the trade union movement require that wherever possible contracts for wages and conditions of employment should be made collectively. While it is not the province of this committee or of the American Federation of Labor to direct the various trade unions in the manner or form of their contracts we desire to point out the fact that as employers of labor can not in the very nature of things guarantee continuous employment to all of our members neither can we, nor should we in our wage contracts, guarantee to them that we will furnish them all the workers they desire. Alaskan Railways (1914, p. 364) Report made that bill urged by Seattle convention for railways in Alaska had become a law and contained these labor regulations: Eight-hour day for underground workers, complete freedom of purchase, payment of wages at least twice monthly, proper rules to secure just weight of coal mined and such other regulations as are necessary for the protection of the United States against nonopoly and for safeguarding the public welfare. Alcohol, Farm Denatured-(1914, p. 330.) Endorsed bill for an industrial alcoholic commission and an appropriation by congress to demonstrate the practicability of farm denatured alcohol distilling. (1906, p. 28) Law enacted with provision denaturing should be done in distilleries specified by internal revenue officers. Amalgamation of Unions (1912, p. 102) Resolutions providing for an amendment to the constitution giving national and international unions the right to amalgamate after indorsement of both memberships by two-thirds votes caused a protest. Convention expressed surprise that any trade unionist could be found who did not know the A. F. of L. was continuously working for the complete organization of the workers. American Federationist-As early as 1885 (p. 14) the American Federation of Labor decided it was necessary to have an official journal although the financial arrangements at that time would be difficult. In 1887 (p. 22) the constitution was amended providing that the president should print a "small monthly circular." In 1888 (p. 34) the president was instructed to secure estimates for a four-page monthly circular, pamphlet size, to submit to the Executive Council for consideration. The convention in 1889 (p. 33) rojectod a plan to resume publication of the Union Advocate.'' In 1893 (p. 39) the president of the A. F. of I.., with the advice of the Executive Council, was authorized to issue a monthly magazine for the discussion of labor and its interests in all phases. This action resulted in the launching of the American Federationist (1894, p. 16), an open forum for all schools of economic thought, reserving the editorial utterances to a strict advocacy of such principles and policies on which trade unionists are agreed. (1896, p. 24) In its editorial department the editor ever kept in view the purposes for which the magazine was authorized, viz., to further the interests of the workers; to advocate and defend the trade-union move. ment; to instill hope and courage into the workers, that they have it in their hands, in their power to bring about whatever change in our economic, social, and political life whenever they are so determined to reg ister their will. If our fellow-unionists who are organized will but perform their duty in the premises, there is no reason why the American Federationist should not become the leading magazine on the economics and be the foremost literary publication of the American wage-workers. It (1899, p. 17) It is noted with some degree of pride that no statement appearing in the columns of the American Federationist ever has been successfully refuted. is regarded by the workers and students of our movement, and of economic and social progress, as a safe adviser and practical exponent of trade unionism, the cause. of labor; and by our organizers, both general and district, it has been commended for the valuable assistance it has rendered them in their work. (p. 149) Executive Council instructed to enlarge and extend circulation of the American Federationist, as its value is appreciated. (1900, p. 30) The American Federation. ist is an earnest, faithful advocate of union labor; a defender of the rights of the work- (1901, p. 188) Enthusiastic approval given of the conduct of the American Federationist, which had become a power of assistance in organizing and keeping posted the great army of labor. (1903, p. 24) The American Federationist, our official monthly magazine, is unquestionably now the standard publication in the economic world, and is so regarded by trade unionists and students, not only of our own country, but the world over. In corre spondence with statistical and other movements of labor of the federal, state, and foreign governments it is accepted as the best and most accurate reflex of the American labor movement. College professors, students, and those called upon to debate the various and complex questions of trade union growth, principles, and philosophy, and those in our own ranks advocating upon the public platform the cause for which we stand, accept it as their text-book, guide, and teacher. Its columns are quoted and referred to in every standard work upon the labor problem, and, withal, it is an educator to the unorganized. Its articles, reports, and editorials are republished in the newspapers and magazines. It sets forth the thesis of labor; it is the educator of the unorganized, and it commands the respect even of our opponents. Each issue if (1904, pp. 33-148-171) possible had been an improvement of its predecessor. It always endeavored to put labor's best foot forward; to defend labor against wrong and persistently advocate its rights; to tear the mask of hypocrisy from our opponents, and to encourage our fellow workmen to a more intelligent understanding of their duties, a higher and better conception of their rights, and the means by which they can be achieved. There is not a word uttered through its columns or upon the platform that we would retract except to say it with greater emphasis. (1907, pp. 47-293) Adopted this method of gradually increasing the circulation of the Americal Federationist: 1. That the national and international organizations affili ated be requested to advise their locals and other subdivisions that each one should send at least one subscription to the American Federationist in order that the organization may keep itself informed as to the general labor movement. 2. That all paid organizers representing the A. F. of L. be instructed to make it part of their duty to mention the American Federationist at every meeting they attend and forward its interests to the best of their ability. 3. That circulars should be sent out at intervals to as many affiliated organizations as possible, extolling the virtues of the American Federationist, thereby stimulating and maintaining interest in the most important of all labor pub. lications. 4. That the proper officers of the A F. of L. be empowered to take such actior as may seem best to them to advance the interests and increase the circulation of the American Federationist. (1905, p. 37) Educationally, the Americar Federationist has been of vast value. The editorials and contributed matter are generally republished by the labor press and, to a considerable extent, by the general press here and elsewhere. It is on file and in the archives in nearly every library, university, and college of America. The editor never has failed to prick the baubles and bubbles or fads and fancies of spectacular theorists who, under the pretense of friendship, undertake to do our movement its greatest injury. And as for our open antagonists of the capitalist class and their spokesmen he has allowed no opportunity to pass to show how utterly out of harmony are they with the progress and success of economic civilized life. (1908, p. 37) The American Federationist performs a service which will be more and more appreciated as the present events of our movement pass into history. It is the official, full and accurate record not only of all that is done by the Federation, but a true reflection of the sentiments and hopes and aims of the toilers and their symFathizers. Through the American Federationist we have been able to secure far better reports from the daily press than would otherwise have been possible. By giving the copies of our printed circulars and the editorials to the press, they are obliged to quote accurately or not at all. In the past year the editorials of the American Federationist have been quoted more widely than those of any other magazine in existence. (1909, p. 42) In our struggle for the maintenance of free press and free speech the files of the American Federationist will afford inspiration to the historian and information to the student as to the temperate, yet insistent, manner in which we have struggled for the preservation of constitutional rights, not only for the workers, but for all the people for all time. The work which the American Federationist has already performed will become more and more important as time goes by--there is much yet to do. There may be some wrong to be combatted, some injustice to be righted, some improvement to be secured, some advantage to be gained for the toilers. There will always exist the necessity for a free forum, having the confidence and esteem of the workers, through which shall be stated the accurate attitude and record of the doings of our organized labor movement; to voice the timely protest, a voice that shall ring clear and true. It is our aim to have the American Federationist truly express and reflect the sentiments. hopes, and aims of the toilers for the welfare of all. (1910, p. 52) The issuance of the American Federationist was not originally directed for any financial returns it might yield. The authorization for its publication by the Convertion of 1893 was "for the discussion of labor and its interests in all its phases,' and in the seventeen years of its regular monthly issues it has been the single aim to make it ring true to the cause, the rights and interests of the toiling masses of America. And through it all the American Federationist as an advocate and defender of our great cause-the cause of humanity-has been of insignificant financial cost to our fellow-workers or our Federation itself. (1911, p. 79) It was never expected that the publication of an organ for our national movement would result in declaring dividends. Its purpose is educational. That is, it has been, and is intended to be, the medium by which the earnest and serious reader may be educated in the principles of trade unionism, and may obtain the views of prominent trade unionists and of qualified writers regarding the events of the day. (p. 275) The American Federationist has remained in the forefront in the clearness with which it has presented the historical facts connected with our movement, its present day activities and our hopes of future achievement. (1912, p. 157) Executive Council authorized to consider the subject of consoli. dating the Weekly News Letter with the American Federationist, and to issue it weekly with such general instructions as are contained in the resolutions of the conventions of 1893 and of 1910 and having in mind the constitutional provision_regarding the publication of the A. F. of L.'s financial transactions, and that if the Executive Council shall deem such consolidation and change expedient and advantageous, it shall have the authority to carry the same into effect. (p. 267) We approve of the American Federationist being used as an open forum by all writers upon the problems that affect our interests, and urge that every subordinate body subscribe for at least one copy each month to be kept on file for information and reference, and that we also commend it to all our members and all others interested in labor's problems as the most reliable publication in our land conveying labor's position, not only on all important questions of general import, but also on all local matters of more than ordinary importance. (1913, p. 268) As detached locals and federal labor unions have no official organ koeping them in touch with the general labor movement, practically all of their executive and educational work must be done and paid for by the A. F. of L. itself; that it is necessary that this should be done in order to assist in their education and development, thereby making the membership of these organizations more efficient and possibly lightening the labors of the parent organization itself with them. The cost for the Federationist should be fixed at 5 cents per month, with the understanding that if this does not pay the cost of furnishing our official organ to these members, the pric can be changed at the next convention, bringing it up to the required amount. (1914, pp. 162-347) No medium of putlicity or literary agency in America has been a greater power for justice for the oppressed and for fair opportunity for all than has the official monthly magazine of the A. F. of L., the American Federationist. Founded by the authority of the Chicago Convention of the A. F. of L. in 1893, the magazine has constantly grown in power and influence, not only among the working people themselves but among students, publicists, lawmakers, administrators, and interpreters. Contributed articles and edi. torial expressions in the American Federationist have driven home with convincing logic and irresistible power the fundamentals of justice, right, and humanity; the laborers' side of labor, social and political problems; higher concepts of rights, duties and obligations; the relations of workers to employers and to society; the defense of the weak against the rapacity of the strong; protest against wrongs too long endured and demands for rights too long denied. This official journal has been an invaluable agency in the long fight for real industrial freedom that the workers have waged for nearly a quarter of a century. At first the ordinary publications were closed to our cause. There was no way to get a hearing before those who must be convinced before remedial legislation could be secured. There was no way to present the cause of justice for human beings who had not the means to buy publicity in publications conducted for profit. In that fight the American Federationist has led, ably supported and aided by the labor press. A great change has been worked in public opinion throughout the land among the people of all callings. It was necessary to convince all that constructive results for justice might be secured. The rights attaching to property have long found a hearing and advocates before all tribunals. The rights of human beings had to secure their hearing and their advocates. It was necessary to convince those who held power in their hands that the rights of human beings are of infinitely greater importance than rights attaching to property. This cause had to be presented in a way that would appeal to and convince those who mold public opinion and policies and as well as those who by the ballot ultimately decide public issues. It has been necessary for those who undertook the ad. vocacy of these principles to incur full responsibility wherever that might lead. Freedom for the workers has involved freedom of speech and press. Efforts to maintain these rights unrestricted have necessitated that those responsible for the publication of this official magazine challenge judicial usurpation of authority at the risk of personal liberty. By this concrete immediate instance of denial of rights to workers the American Federationist effectively forced home the urgent need of legislative relief to secure relief from the abuse of injunctive process. The American Federationist has successfully done this. It has aroused and crystallized the judgment of the people of our country which found its expression in the enactment by Congress of the labor sections of the Clayton Antitrust Act and in the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States upon the constitutionality of the Missouri trust law. That decision laid down the principle at least so far as that state is concerned, that there is a distinct line of demarcation between the control of the products of labor and the control of human beings over their Own labor power. A study of the columns of the American Fed. erationist readily discloses the persistent discussion and insistent demand for the writing into law of that principle embodied in the Clayton Antitrust Act, that the labor of a human being is not a commodity or article of commerce. In the movement for the more thorough organization of unorganized fellow-workers the American Federationist not only has furnished the argument and the philosophy of organizing material in advocating the principle of organized effort, uLity, federation, and solidarity, but has been a splendid practical aid. It has stimulated thought and found response in the hearts and minds of all, and helped the struggling labor press to a better understanding of the underlying principles, as well as the hope and the aspirations of the organized labor movement. It has furthered and interpreted the interests of the workers in all lines of endeavor. In addition, in the columns of the American Federationist have been published the financial reports of the A. F. of L.-the income received from all sources and expenditures for all purposes, thus challenging the criticism of our opponents and receiving and deserving the commendation and confidence of our fellowworkers. It publishes the reports of the organizers, salaried and volunteer, giving the record of the work done in each locality, and giving advice and encouragement to the toilers the continent over. These reports are the first-hand sources of labor history. They reflect in palpable form efforts to promote human welfare. They show the movement in the making and contain the only general survey of the labor movement in America published anywhere. The American Federationist prints contributed arti cles and reports from officers in the labor movement of this and other countries. While maintaining in its columns an open forum, no expression of opinion by any one adverse to the rights and interests of Labor has been published but which has been accom panied by prompt and effective refutation. The American Federationist has been sent to the membership of directly affiliated local unions and has kept the workers better advised of the work, aims, and purposes of our movement, thereby creating a closer bond of unity and sympathy. This project of supplying the membership of directly affiliated local unions with copies of each issue of the American Federationist is not financially a profitable one, nor indeed is the American Federationist in itself a business concern conducted with regard to profit or loss, but our magazine is regarded and used as an authoritative means of recounting the history of the methods and achievements of the labor movement, voicing the fears and hopes as well as the wrongs and the rights of the toilers, and declaring for the highest ideals and aspirations for a higher and better life. These advantages are of far greater value than can be computed in mere money terms. The American Federationist has performed a great educational service. It has supplemented this information with carefully prepared interpretations and detailed information-in other words, the magazine is the official organ which deals with the policies and the philosophy of the trade union movement. It is the publication to which officers, union members, workers and students, turn for data and interpretations as a reference source to help them in their work, their All writings, their speeches, their study. (1915, p. 151) The American Federationist has been a tribune that has stood for human rights and human freedom, and has insisted that every other consideration must be subordinated to these. The influence of the magazine upon the labor press, as well as the general press of the country, is strong and helpful in all things, true to trade unionism. It is an influence that can rot be bought, can not be diverted, and can not be silenced or ignored. (1917, p. 133) The labor papers form a chain of live agencies by which the problems, the activities and the ideals of the workers of one locality are communicated to fellow-workers everywhere and the ties of brotherhood and co operation strengthened. Local labor papers have been effectively united into a system for labor publicity through the press service which the A. F. of L. has furnished in its official publications-the American Federationist ani Weekly News Letter. These two publications supplement each other in furnishing aid to labor papers; the American Federationist through editorials and articles interprets Labor's relations to vital prob. lems and important movements and speaks for Labor; the Weekly News Letter furnishes to the labor press a resume of happenings of general interest to the movement of this and other countries. The American Federationist presents to the workers the best considered judgments of representatives of the organized labor movement, to assist them in working out their own problems. American Federation of Railroad Workers (1915, p. 177) Because of lack of support the American Federation of Railroad Workers went out of existence. Recently it attempted to create a source of revenue by masquerading under a new title and seeking to deceive the unwary into the belief it is associated with bona fide unions. American Railway Union Strike-(1894, pp. 10-28) A stampede strike of employes of the Pullman carshops in Pullman, Ill., followed the discharge of three members of a committee which had presented certain just grievances to the superintendent. Many of the strikers were members of the American Railway Union. The latter offered the company arbitration, but this was rejected. The A. R. U. convention held later declared 8 boycott on Pullman cars and notified the Railway Managers' Association its members would not work on trains in which such cars were hauled. The managers refused to eliminate the Pullman carn. The strike followed. The strikers called upon all labor to strike in sympathy, and the president of the A. F. of L. was called upon to attend a meeting in Chicago to consider a general strike. He reported to the convention: "It seemed to go there either as an individual or as president of the A. F. of L. would be most unwise and impracticable, inasmuch as I could not take any tangible action. As the Executive Council was about |