payment of the interest and sinking fund of the "instalments of the loan, the first revenues of the "state, in such manner that the actual receipts of "the Greek treasury shall be devoted, first of all, "to the payment of the said interest and sinking "fund, and shall not be employed for any other "purpose, until those payments, on account of the "instalments of the loan raised under the guarantee "of the three Courts, shall have been completely "secured for the current year."

"And, the diplomatic Representatives of the "three Courts in Greece, were specially charged to "watch over the fulfilment of the last mentioned

Now if this condition had been fulfilled, the Greek Government, according to the fundamental laws of Greece, must have been compelled to frame the annual budget within the revenue of the country, and therefore the non-fulfilment by the Representatives of the three Powers, of the duty which was part and parcel of the treaty, justified Count Armensperg in considering that the purse of England was inexhaustible, and that under every circumstance she would continue to pay as much money as Greece might choose to spend.

We do not say this in a captious sense, for we can easily conceive, that when our Representatives abroad are ordered to support any foreign statesmen whatever, whether they be Mendizabels, Palmellas, Capodistrias, or Armenspergs, such statesmen, sure of the support of England, are not only divested of all responsibility, but they throw that responsibility upon England herself, discredit her in the eyes of their own nations, and obtain all the support she is capable of affording them, while their policy is noxious to their country, or hostile to England; yet it is impossible for England, until she makes herself intimately acquainted with the character and condition of those countries where it is impossible for her to avoid interfering, nay, more, until she is right in her conclusions as regards those countries, it is impossible for her to do more than pin her faith on an individual, and suffer that individual to appropriate to himself the influence which is given to England by the respect which these countries entertain for her.

But the King of Bavaria, who, contrary to all the arrangements of the Treaty of May the 7th, has been continually suffered, if not instigated, to inter

fere in the affairs of Greece, has naturally expected to share in the benefit of arrangements, to which, although not a contributor, he was a contracting party. Consequently the funds of the Alliance, instead of going out to the King of Greece, took the road to Munich, and in this manner the King of Bavaria became master of the destinies of the kingdom of his son.

Is it then to be wondered at, that the Greek nation, defrauded of that capital for the payment of which and its interest Russia may at any moment seize upon its first revenues, should look upon the Bavarians with the most hostile feelings, while at the same time means, so enormous for that country, are placed in their hands for the purpose of political corruption and partizanship?

But as if to fill up the measure of Russia's success in this transaction without a parallel, we find Russia from the moment that France and England consent to the advancement of this money, making objections to its payment!

Was ever a more ingenious method invented for confirming the delusion of the Cabinets, and leading them, in the very fulfilment of her wishes, to conceive that they triumphed over her policy?

And what are the conditions that she places to her consent to the advancement of the loan? Why that of re-uniting the Greek Church to the Patriarch of Constantinople, now completely under her control, and rendering the King of Greece himself subject to the same foreign religious supremacy. But how was it that the Church of Greece ever became detached from the Patriarch of Constantinople? Was it not by the act of M. von Maurer whom England was led to eject from Greece, on the plea of his being a Russian? If M. de Maurer's act then was in the Russian sense, how comes it that the abrogation of that act by which his name is and will be connected with Greece, is now the condition placed by her to the advance of the third series of the loan?

This important and remarkable question we shall treat in detail in the exposure which we propose to lay before our readers of the late events of that country. In the mean time we refer those who are anxious to inquire into the subject, to an article on Russian Policy in Greece in the Foreign Quarterly Review of January last.

If our voice can reach the Governments of France and England, we would conjure them to pause on

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a measure that we conceive to be fatal, not only to Greece, but even to the Turkish Empire.-Events are threatening on so many points, that we cannot escape from the belief that the crisis is very near at hand. An indication of its proximity we read in the very conditions suggested by Russia for the advancement of the loan. In 1834 Russia attempted to separate Greece religiously from Constantinople, with the view of connecting it with St. Petersburgh. M. von Maurer fortunately interposed and established the Greek independent Synod. In 1836 Russia endeavours to reconnect Greece religiously with Constantinople. We cannot conceive that these observations can suggest a new idea to any one who has perused that condition. We cannot conceive how any one can doubt that, having so long convulsed Constantinople from Greece, she now thinks the time come when she will command Greece from Constantinople. Is our money and is our influence now for the last time to be made the means of insuring her success?

But the next unaccountable fact is the amount of the money which has thus been handed over for the use of Greece.

Under the Presidency of Count Capodistrias the