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AMONG THE LAW-MAKERS.*

(Recollections of a Page in the United States Senate.)

CHAPTER XXVI.

BY EDMUND ALTON.

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WHILE our "simplicity" and certain other phases of our national life provoke from foreign powers a kindly smile, we take the criticisms in the spirit in which they are offered —and go serenely on our way. If, occasionally, we feel inclined to smile at them, we should always do it with good humor. They all have confidence in our honor and integrity. Let us repay, with international courtesy, the compliment of esteem.

The cordial relations which subsist between these foreign governments and our own, require no proof. Not only has our government acted as a mediator to settle the conflicting claims of rival powers, but they have also done the same for us. I have now before me a curious instance of this fact. When, many years ago, a controversy arose between Great Britain and the United States concerning the meaning of the first article in the Treaty of Ghent, Alexander I., "Emperor of all the Russias," responded to the wishes of both governments and interposed his influence and good graces in bringing about an amicable adjustment of the difficulty. An absolute monarch acted as mediator between a limited monarchy and a republic.

This Treaty of Ghent (as every young student of our history knows) terminated the war of 1812 waged by our country against Great Britain. †

This "Treaty of Peace and Amity" (otherwise known as the "Treaty of Ghent ") was concluded in 1813; and during the same year, it was 66 ratified and confirmed by and with the consent of the Senate." It begins thus:

His Britannic Majesty and the United States of America, desirous of terminating the war which has unhappily subsisted between the two countries, and of restoring, upon principles of perfect reciprocity,

As you may never have seen so terrible a document as a Declaration of War, I will give you, as another specimen of legislative action, the formal recognition by Congress of the hostilities out of which the war of 1812 arose:

An Act declaring War between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependencies thereof and the United States of America and their Territories.

peace, friendship, and good understanding between them, have, for that purpose, appointed their respective plenipotentiaries, that is to say:

And then it proceeds to give the names of the diplomatic officers representing Great Britain and the United States in drawing up the treaty, after which follow eleven distinct articles of agreement, each one of which is signed and sealed by the plenipotentiaries, or duly empowered agents, of both governments.

It was to decide upon the meaning of the first article of this treaty that the good offices of the Emperor of Russia were requested. It was rather strange that two English-speaking countries could not understand their own tongue, yet that is exactly what it amounted to,—a different understanding of the meaning of a few simple words; and they were compelled to call in the aid of a Muscovite to construe the Anglo-Saxon language!

Well, the Emperor kindly acceded to their request and undertook to assist them to draw up a treaty that should carry his decision into effect.

He, accordingly, constituted and appointed two plenipotentiaries, "to treat, adjust, and conclude, such articles of Agreement as may tend to the attainment of the above-mentioned end, with the plenipotentiaries of the United States and of His Britannic Majesty." I presume no one will object if I give the names of the plenipotentiaries. The agreement was drawn up in English and French (the latter being the "diplomatic" or "court" language of Europe), so I will use both.

The envoys appointed by the Emperor were:

"Charles Robert Count Nesselrode, His Imperial Majesty's Privy Councillor, member of the Council of State, Secretary of State directing the Imperial Department of Foreign Affairs, Chamberlain, Knight of the order of Saint Alexander Nevsky, Grand Cross of the order of Saint Vladimir of the first class, Knight of that of the White Eagle of Poland, Grand Cross of the order of St. Stephen of Hungary, of the Black and of the Red Eagle of Prussia, of the Legion of Honor of France, of Charles III. of Spain, of St.

dent of the United States is hereby authorized to use the whole land and naval force of the United States to carry the same into effect, and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States commission or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States against the vessels, goods, and effects of the government of the said United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the subjects thereof. Approved June 18, 1812.

That is a Declaration of War! Congress has not often found it necessary to exercise the power confided to it by the Constitution: ‡ it is to be hoped it will never be required to use it in the future. Constitution, art. I. sec. VIII. cl. 11 (eleven).

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That war be and the same is hereby declared to exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories; and that the Presi*Copyright, 1884, by Edmund Alton.

VOL. XII.-60.

All rights reserved.

Ferdinand and of Merit of Naples, of the Annunciation of Sardinia, of the Polar Star of Sweden, of the Elephant of Denmark, of the Golden Eagle of Wirtemberg, of Fidelity of Baden, of St. Constantine of Parma, and of Guelph of Hanover."

Count Nesselrode was the first. The second was like unto him, "with a few variations":

Jean, le Conte Capodistrias, son Conseiller privé et Secrétaire d'Etat, Chevalier de l'ordre de St. Alexandre Nevsky, Grand' Croix de l'ordre de St. Wladimir de la 1re classe, Chevalier de celui de l'Aigle Blanc de Pologne, Grand' Croix de l'ordre de St. Etienne de Hongrie, de l'Aigle Noir et de l'Aigle Rouge de Prusse, de la Légion d'Honneur de France, de Charles III. d'Espagne, de St. Ferdinand et du Mérite de Naples, de Sts. Maurice et Lazare de Sardaigne, de l'Eléphant de Dannemarc, de la Fidélité et du Lion de Zahringen de Bade, Bourgeois du Canton de Vaud, ainsi que du Canton et de la République de Genève."

(That is a good lesson in French!)

The plenipotentiary on the part of "His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland," was:

"The Right Honourable Sir Charles Bagot, one of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, Knight Grand Cross of the most honourable Order of the Bath, and His Majesty's Ambassador Extraordinary, and Plenipotentiary to his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias."

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And the plenipotentiary on the part of the United States, with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof," was

“Henry Middleton, a citizen of the United States, and their Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias."

The Agreement, after reciting these names, says: "And the said plenipotentiaries, after a reciprocal communication of their respective full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles," etc.

Now you know something about diplomacy! But while thinking of names and titles, you ought to read “A Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Commerce," which was concluded at Antananarivo, on the 13th of May (17th of Alakaosy), 1881, between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Madagascar. Her Majesty Ranavalomanjaka, Queen of Madagascar, was represented by Ravoninahitriniarivo, who signs his Malagasy title thus: "15 Voninahitra, Off. D. P. Lehiben ny Mpanao Raharaha amy ny Vahiny" (which means, I suppose, "15th Honor, Officer of the Palace, Chief Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs"), and by a man of the name of Ramaniraka, whose title I forget. The titles are modest, but the Madagascar notables make up for the deficiency in the length of their names!

The Khedive of Egypt not long ago gave us an obelisk, and Congress formally attested our gratitude. As a piece of " 'legislation," it ought to be noted:

JOINT RESOLUTION tendering the thanks of the people of the United States to His Highness the Khedive of Egypt, for the gift of an ancient obelisk.

Whereas, The Khedive of Egypt presented to the United States, the ancient Egyptian obelisk, known as "Cleopatra's needle," which

has been removed and re-erected in the City of New York, thus placing in the possession of the people of the United States one of the most famous monuments of the Old World, and one of the earliest records of civilization; be it therefore,

Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the thanks of the people of the United States are hereby tendered to His Highness the Khedive of Egypt, for a gift which only the oldest of nations could make, and the youngest can most highly prize. -Approved January 12, 1882.

What our friends the people of France think of us, is evidenced by their generous gift of the statue of "Liberty Enlightening the World."

The mention of France reminds me, too, of the ovation which we gave to Lafayette. In 1824, Congress asked the President to invite Lafayette to visit us, and the President did so, offering to bring over the Marquis in a "ship of the line.” He accepted the invitation, but declined the ship. When he landed, "his progress through the country resembled a continuous triumphal procession "; and Congress, "in consideration of his important services and expenditures during the American Revolution," voted him a grant of two hundred thousand dollars and a township of land, which fact was gracefully communicated to him by a committee appointed for that purpose. Upon his death, Congress further testified to the esteem in which his memory was held, and the affection of the American people for him, by passing eloquent resolutions of eulogy.

In 1851, another celebrated man visited us. He was Louis Kossuth, the Hungarian patriot. The exiled chieftain was tendered a formal reception by each House of Congress on separate days, and the crowd was so great in the Senate Chamber (now the Supreme Court room), that the newspaper reporters voluntarily relinquished their seats in order to make room for the ladies. This act of gallantry was deemed so remarkable that special mention was made of it in the official record of debates.

The Congressmen also gave Kossuth an elegant banquet, at which General Cass, Daniel Webster and other distinguished statesmen made addresses. It was at this banquet that Kossuth delivered the speech which opened with the famous parallel between the Senate of Rome and the American Congress. As one of the highest tributes ever paid to our Republic, I shall quote the lines:

Sir: As once Cineas, the Epirote, stood among the senators of Rome who, with a word of self-conscious majesty, arrested kings in their ambitious march, thus, full of admiration and of reverence, I stand among you, legislators of the new capitol, that glorious hall of your people's collective majesty. The capitol of old yet stands, but the spirit has departed from it, and is come over to yours, purified by the air of liberty. The old stands, a mournful monument of the fragil ity of human things; yours, as a sanctuary of eternal right. The old beamed with the red luster of conquest, now darkened by the gloom of oppression; yours is bright with freedom. At the view of the old, nations trembled; at the view of yours, humanity hopes.

To the old, misfortune was introduced with fettered hands to kneel at triumphant conquerors' feet; to yours, the triumph of introduction

is granted to unfortunate exiles, who are invited to the honor of a seat And, where kings and Cæsars never will be hailed for their power and wealth, there the persecuted chief of a down-trodden nation is welcomed, as your great Republic's guest, because he is persecuted, helpless, and poor. There sat men boasting that their will was sovereign of the earth; here sit men whose glory it is to acknowledge the laws of nature and of nature's God,' and to do what their sovereign, the people, wills."

No further instances are perhaps necessary to show the cordial relations existing between our

King of the Hawaiian Islands visited this country. The dominion of that monarch is not very extensive; still he was regarded as a distinguished personage. When he came to Washington, both Houses resolved to accord him a reception. It was not so very much of a ceremony, but in one respect it was entirely novel. According to the remarks of Speaker Blaine, King Kalakaua was the first reigning monarch that ever had set foot upon our shores; hence

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LOUIS KOSSUTH, AS HE APPEARED IN A BALCONY OF THE OLD SENATE CHAMBER.

government and the other nations of the world; but, as I was present in the House of Representatives on the occasion of the welcome to a foreign guest, and this time not an exile, but a King, I may briefly add one more instance. In 1874 the

his arrival created quite a stir. A year or so later, the Emperor of Brazil paid us a visit; and since that time we have opened the doors of hospitality to other titled folk. But King Kalakaua is entitled to the credit of having set them an example. (To be continued.)

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