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electric power generating equipment totalling a million and a half kilowatts capacity, four huge aviation gasoline refineries, a 10-million dollar tire plant, thousands of machine tools, 50 million dollars worth of construction machinery, nearly 2,000 locomotives, and 427,000 trucks approximately half as many trucks as the Soviet Union had produced in its entire history before the Nazi invasion.
Despite this intimate experience with American economic assistance from which the Soviet Union emerged with its sovereignty unimpaired-Cominform spokesmen tell the world that the sole purpose and certain result of such assistance is economic and political domination by the United States.
The Soviet Union was invited to participate in the Committee of European Economic Cooperation which met in Paris in July 1947 to consider Secretary Marshall's proposal to implement European recovery with American aid. The main response to this offer of economic cooperation was a violent propaganda offensive against the European Recovery Program, and the establishment of the Cominform for the declared purpose of sabotaging and wrecking that
Our efforts to obtain political cooperation have shared the same fate as our efforts at economic cooperation.
When Soviet spokesmen expressed fear of a revival of German and Japanese military power, Secretary Byrnes offered the Soviet Union a mutual-guarantee pact against German and Japanese aggression to extend for 25 or even 40 years. This offer was repeated by Secretary Marshall. The Soviet Government rejected the offer.
SOVIET REFUSES COOPERATION
We have sought from the beginning to advocate and encourage full Soviet participation in all the work of the United Nations. Secretary Hull flew to Moscow in October 1943, to interest the Soviet Government in the idea of a postwar security organization. President Roosevelt devoted the closing weeks of his life to the same cause. Byelorussia and the Ukraine-as much a part of the Soviet Union as California and Texas are of the United States-sit at this table today in testimony of our earnest desire, and the desire of other states here, to secure Soviet participation in the work of the United Nations.
Most of us here are working together to build a more peaceful and a more productive world through such agencies as the Food and Agriculture Organization, the World Health Organization, the International Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the International Refugee Organization, the International Civil Aviation Organization, the International Labor Organization, the International Trade Organization, and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization.
The Soviet Union is not participating in any of these peace-making partnerships. All of us know that the Soviet Union's non-participation is entirely a matter of its own choice. And I am sure I speak for all of us in saying that Soviet participation in these constructive efforts would be welcomed as evidence that it is ready to contribute to peace and progress.
In all this somber picture, nothing concerns us more fundamentally than the barriers that prevent the peoples under Soviet domination from having contact with the rest of the world. Free exchange of
knowledge, ideas, and information among the peoples of the world is a basic requirement of peace. How can there be enduring peace unless peoples come to know each other, to recognize each other's faults, to appreciate each other's virtues, so find a basis for understanding? How can there be understanding when the Russian peoples' knowledge of the non-Soviet world comes solely from government owned and controlled organs that pour out the same abuse, misrepresentation, and distortion that characterize the speeches of the Cominform delegates here?
President Truman, in addressing the plenary session of the Assembly on October 24, made a statement which I urge the Cominform delegates to consider earnestly. He said:
"The challenge of the twentieth century is the challenge of human relations and not of impersonal natural forces. The real dangers confronting us today have their origins in outmoded habits of thought, in the inertia of human nature, and in the preoccupation with supposed national interests to the detriment of the common good."
History has left all of our countries-including my own-a legacy of barriers that hamper free interchange among peoples. Most of us are working together to tear down these barriers. But the Soviet Government has persisted in erecting a "spite fence" that blocks the Russian people from good neighborly relations with the rest of the world community.
Again and again, during the past four years, we have tried to promote cultural and educational exchange with the Soviet Union. In October 1945, the United States asked the Soviet Government to consider sending the Red Army Chorus or other similar groups to the United States for a tour. We expressed a desire to institute an exchange of ballet groups, theater groups, and orchestras, of holding reciprocal exhibits of art, architecture, and handicraft as a means of increasing mutual understanding. Nothing happened. The following month, Ambassador Harriman asked Mr. Vishinsky to consider the possibilities of initiating an exchange of students. He received no reply.
In 1946, invitations were extended to Soviet professors by the United States Office of Education, Princeton University, and the Rockefeller Foundation. The Universities of Texas, Amherst, Columbia, Cornell, and other institutions, as well as private citizen groups, offered scholarships to Soviet students. Princeton, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and several others offered to exchange scientific personnel. Most of these invitations were not even acknowledged. None were accepted.
An invitation to exchange medical specialists accompanied by an offer of a penicillin plant was never answered.
War veterans receiving government funds for college study were authorized to use those funds for study in Soviet institutions. All applicants have been rejected.
The Boston Symphony Orchestra extended an invitation to the conductor of the Leningrad Philharmonic but received no answer. Twice the orchestra offered to tour the Soviet Union at its own expense but received no reply. A Soviet ballet company was invited to tour the United States. Nothing happened.
The private and public groups making these and many similar offers refused to be discouraged.
STALIN'S WORDS CONTRARY TO ACTIONS
When Marshal Stalin told an American visitor in December 1946 that he was unequivocally in favor of a wider exchange of ideas, students, teachers, artists, and tourists, Ambassador Smith quickly followed up the opportunity. For example, he presented to Mr. Vishinsky a specific proposal for a visit to the United States by 50 Soviet scholars in various fields of science and cultural studies.' All he ever received in reply was a simple acknowledgement.
In sharp contrast to Marshal Stalin's interview, the Soviet Government six months later, in June 1947, began a campaign to place every sort of legal obstacle, backed with the threat of heavy punishment, in the way of contacts between the Russian people and foreigners. This campaign began with the promulgation of the Secrecy Act of June 1947 and has proceeded with increasing intensity ever since. It has been part of an organized effort to persuade the Russian people that cultural relations with people from the non-Soviet world endangers the Soviet state. In such an atmosphere a mere gesture of friendship toward a Soviet citizen threatens his well-being.
Efforts to speak to the Russian people over the radio have been met by the most intensive jamming of the airwaves ever attempted in peace time. Quarantined from contact with the outside world, the Russian people are receiving from the official press and radio a mixture of hatred, abuse, and untruth that gives little evidence of a desire for understanding and cooperation.
Information coming from the Soviet Union has been subjected to strict censorship. Correspondents from the United States have been restricted to such a point that now only one newspaper and two press associations continue to maintain regular representatives in the Soviet Union. Correspondents from other non-Cominform countries are sharing a similar fate.
I cite these facts at length because they expose the root of our problem. There is no incompatibility between economic systems. The world is full of differing social and cultural institutions. But only in the area of the Cominform is interchange forbidden and branded as evil and traitorous.
If all the peoples of the United Nations could begin to meet and to talk with one another, we would be on the way toward solving the many problems that beset the world community. I am sure the people of the Soviet Union, no less than the people of the United States, want cooperation and peace. The refusal of the Soviet Government to let their people meet with others is perhaps the greatest single tragedy of our time.
Without the understanding that can come only from a free interchange among peoples, agreements among governments rest on unfirm foundations. A government which does not trust its own people can hardly be expected to trust others. Good neighborliness and peace can not grow in an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust.
1 See, Cultural Relations Between the United States and the Soviet Union, Department of State publication 3480.
MEASURES FOR STRENGTHENING PEACE
If the Soviet Government wishes to undertake measures for strengthening peace, the means are at its instant command. Stop your campaign of hate against the non-Cominform world. Forsake your doctrine that the non-Cominform world is your enemy. Let your people meet with ours and discuss together our common problems. Lift your iron curtain and you will strengthen peace.
The interest of the individual human being in peaceful progress was recognized by all of us when we signed a Charter which begins by declaring the determination of "we, the peoples of the United Nations to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war."
The Charter is illuminated by the great lights of freedom, tolerance, human dignity, self-determination of peoples, cultural and educational cooperation, and economic and social advancement. These principles, reflecting the highest spirituality of man, can lead us to peace and security if we express them in understanding, purposeful and resolute action.
By this Charter-by this real pact of peace-all 59 members of the United Nations have obligated themselves to settle their international disputes by pacific methods. They have agreed to refrain from the threat or use of force in any manner contrary to the Charter. They have pledged themselves to carry out decisions reached by the community of nations through the United Nations. They have promised to assist the United Nations in any action it takes in accordance with the Charter. They have built the Charter on the principle of sovereign equality of members, with all that is included within that principle for the independence, integrity, and the obligations of states in relation to each other.
Action to fulfill these obligations, agreements, pledges, and promises is what the world requires now. That means respect for international obligations. That means noninterference in the internal affairs of other states through indirect aggression or through subverting their governments by manipulating minority groups and similar devices. That means respect for the rights of others. That means belief in the dignity of man and respect for the rights and freedoms of the individual.
The great majority of the members of the United Nations are making progress toward peace. The great majority of the nations are tackling patiently the serious problems besetting the world. The great majority of the nations are sharing their resources and technical skills to promote economic stability and progress. The great majority of the nations are exchanging ideas, information, and people to promote understanding.
The path toward peace must be traveled step by step. There are no super-highways. Patient, persistent efforts to solve each of the numerous and varied problems brought to the United Nations for settlement is required. We gain strength from those we solve to concentrate on those whose solutions have escaped us.
This is not the dramatic or the sensational course. Enduring peace will not result from a sweeping gesture; it will be the product of a continuing process; it will be the consequence of adherence to fundamental principles.
JOINT RESOLUTION: "ESSENTIALS OF PEACE"
My government, therefore, has joined with the United Kingdom in sponsoring a resolution which directs attention to the basic requirements for enduring peace. By this resolution, we seek to erect a standard to which all believers in peace and all supporters of the United Nations may repair. This resolution seeks to mobilize support for genuine efforts to settle disputes among nations and to promote understanding between them and their peoples.
Our resolution is put forward in full recognition that there is no substitute for performance by members of their treaty obligations. Good citizenship in the world community requires faithful adherence, in deed as well as in words, to the "Essentials of Peace."
By adopting this resolution the General Assembly would declare that the Charter of the United Nations is the most solemn pact of peace in history and lays down basic principles necessary for an enduring peace. It clearly recognizes that disregard of these principles is primarily responsible for international tension, and asserts the urgent necessity of actions by member states in accordance with these principles in the spirit of cooperation on which the United Nations was founded.
Based on these realistic grounds, the resolution sets forth in detail the individual and collective actions that are essential if principles are to be put into practice.
The resolution calls upon all nations to refrain from threatening or using force contrary to the Charter; to refrain from any threats or acts, direct or indirect, aimed at impairing the freedom, independence, or integrity or any state, or at fomenting civil strife and subverting the will of the people in any state.
It calls upon all nations to carry out in good faith their international agreements and to afford all United Nations bodies full cooperation and free access in the performance of tasks assigned to them under the Charter.
The close link between human freedom, human well-being, and world peace is recognized in two paragraphs which call upon all nations to promote the dignity and worth of the human person, full freedom for the peaceful expression of political opposition, full opportunity for the exercise of religious freedom, full respect for other fundamental human rights expressed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; and to promote nationally and internationally efforts to achieve and sustain higher standards of living for all peoples.
Every member of the United Nations is called upon to participate fully in the work of the organization. The five permanent members are especially urged to broaden progressively their cooperation and to exercise restraint in the use of the veto in order to make the Security Council a more effective instrument for maintaining peace.
Finally, it calls upon every nation to cooperate in supporting United Nations efforts to settle outstanding problems; to cooperate in attaining effective international regulation and reduction of conventional armaments; and to agree to the exercise of national sovereignty jointly with other nations to the extent necessary to attain international control of atomic energy which would make effective the prohibition of atomic weapons and assure the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes only.