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Gurley thinks of these doctrines, but how they are regarded by slaveholders. Now there is no evidence, that General Pinkney's rank in Carolina society, was affected by his "abominable" doctrines; on the contrary, judging from the eulogium pronounced at his decease, he was regarded as one of the most distinguished and pious members of the slaveholding community. And so far were the people of Carolina offended, by the "abominable" doctrines of their governor, that after his term of service expired, they expressed their confidence in him, by sending him to represent their State in the Senate of the United States.

Governor Hayne, of the same State, in his message to the Legislature, (1833,) labors to prove that slavery adds to the military strength of a nation, and concludes with declaring that "the existence of slavery in the South, is not only to be regarded as an evil to be deplored, but that it brings along corresponding advantages, in elevating the character, contributing to the wealth, enlarging the resources, and adding to the strength of the State in which it exists."

It must be confessed these are strange sentiments to be advanced by the chief magistrates of a people who regard slavery as a curse, and are anxious to colonize their slaves. Let us now attend to the official declarations of the present Governor of South-Carolina; and see what comment they afford on the supposed desire of the slave holders to get rid of their slaves, a supposition on which the whole theory of abolition by Colonization is founded.

"It is demonstrable that cotton could not be produced by the labor of hired freemen for double the average price it has commanded for ten years past. It is obvious that the abolition of that kind of labor which is the basis of our wealth ap and prosperity would annihilate at a single blow, that enantire branch of foreign commerce which brings the industry free of the exporting States into competition with that of the manufacturing States. I am thoroughly convinced that the institution of domestic slavery, paradoxical as it may cseem is an indispensable element in an unmixed representative republic, How SACRED IS OUR OBLIGATION to provide for our POSTERITY all the necessary means of defending and preserving an institution as essential to their existence

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and to their liberty, as it is obnoxious to the prejudices of those who have the greatest possible facilities for assailing it." Inaugural Speech, Dec. 1834.

A few years since the State of Louisiana passed a law, prohibiting the importation of slaves from other States, but the extension of the sugar cultivation demanding more labor, the law was repealed in 1833, and this State is now importing multitudes of slaves from Maryland and Virginia. Soon after the repeal of the law, 2,000 were offered for sale in New-Orleans, in the course of a single week. A letter from an intelligent gentleman, personally acquainted with the state of slavery at Natchez, says: "The prospects of the blacks in the South-west, are gloomy in the extreme. Cotton can be afforded at 6 cents per pound; last year, (1832,) it was worth from 9 to 13 cents; this year it is worth from 14 to 18 cents. Last year about 1,000 negroes were sold in Natchez, and I am confident 1,500 will be disposed of in that market this year. In my opinion, the slaves, if ever free, will owe their liberty to their own strength and the blessing of Heaven; for their masters, a Methodist minister once expressed it, think only of making more cotton, to buy more negroes, to make more cotton, to buy more negroes."

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So far are masters from wishing to send their negroes to Africa, that they are continually increasing their stock, and hence slaves are rising in value. A late Georgia paper announces, that at a sale of seventy-one negroes, of all ages and kinds, the average price was $438.

A convention has recently been held in Tennessee, for amending the State Constitution, and one amendment is, a prohibition to the Legislature to abolish slavery!

The Augusta Chronicle, (Geo.) of Oct. 1833, says: "We firmly believe, that if the Southern States do not quickly unite and declare to the North, if the question of slavery be longer discussed in any shape, they will instantly secede from the Union; that the question must be settled, and very soon, by the SWORD, as the only possible means of self-preservation !"

The Richmond Enquirer and the Washington Globe, are both mightily indignant at the proposition that Congress should abolish slavery in the District of Columbia.

So far is it from being true, as stated by Colonizationists, that the South is ready to surrender its slaves, that every day affords new proofs that the public sentiment both at the North and the South, is now more tolerant to slavery than at any other period during the last thirty years. Who believes, that even ten years ago, any Connecticut Legisla-. ture would have ventured to pass the Black Act; or that Judge Dagget himself would have pronounced his portentous and extraordinary opinion? At what time, before the influence of the Colonization Society was felt throughout our land, did the citizens of the North merit or receive such commendations from the slave press as the following?

"Public sentiment at the North, in reference to Southern interests, was never in a sounder state than it is now. The language of the Northern press is cheering in the extreme, the feeling in favor of the South, and against the abolitionists, is deep and almost universal." Charleston Courier, 21st July, 1834.

When, until late years, have the Governors of even slave States, dared to promulgate such "abominable" doctrines, as those we have quoted?

Unless we greatly deceive ourselves, we have now shown that no desire exists at the South to get rid of slavery, at least to such an extent as to render Colonization in the remotest degree instrumental in abolishing it: and it is an unquestioned fact, that in 18 years only about 900 manumitted slaves have been sent to Africa. But certain laws have been recently passed by Virginia and Maryland, which are triumphantly cited by Colonizationists as proofs of the growing desire at the South to abolish slavery,-a desire which is attributed to the influence of the Society.

The law of Virginia appropriates $18,000 a year for five years, for the transportation of colored persons to Africa. Now it is evident that the effect of this law upon slavery in Virginia, must depend on the class of colored persons to be transported, Will it be believed, that this law, received with such joy and triumph by Colonizationists, confines the application of its appropriation to the removal of such blacks as were free at the date of its passage. In other words, it declares to the slaveholders, "We will not assist you in

manumitting your slaves." By a previous law, any manumitted slave, who does not leave the State in twelve months, becomes again a slave this new law provides that such a manumitted slave shall not be sent to Africa,--of course it affords no possible inducement or facility whatever to man. umission; and its whole operation is confined to the removal of nuisances,--and we have already seen, from the avowal of members of the Legislature, that this removal is virtually to be compulsory. The philanthropy that rejoices in such a law, is indeed of a peculiar cast, but it is the phi lanthropy of "the benevolent Colonization system."

The Maryland law, of 1832, appropriates $200,000, to be applied through the agency of the Maryland Coloniza tion Society, to the removal to Africa, of "the people of color now free, and such as shall hereafter become so."

On the 20th January, 1833, the American Colonization Society "Resolved that the Society view with the highest gratification, the continued efforts of the State of Maryland to accomplish her patriotic and BENEVOLENT SYSTEM in regard to her colored population; and that the last appropriation by that State of two hundred thousand dollars in aid of African Colonization, is hailed by the friends of the system as a BRIght example to other States,"

Let us now examine this "benevolent system," this "bright example," and see how it accords with Christian love and sincerity.

In forming our opinion of the true character of this scheme, it will not be improper to take into consideration the avowed motives which gave it birth. The Legislature, in their session of 1831, adopted the following resolutions: Resolved, that the increased proportion of the free people of color, in this State, to the white population-the evils growing out of their connection and unrestrained association with the slaves, their habits and manner of obtaining a subsistence, and their withdrawing a LARGE PORTION

A party writer, in a late number of the Richmond Enquirer, says: "An opposition man, who stated in the spring that he considered the removal of the deposites as affecting the value of his property 30 per cent., admits now, that he never saw a MORE WHOLESOME STATE OF THINGS; negro boys and men will fetch from $600 to $700." Is Virginia sick of this wholesome state of things?

of employment from the laboring class of the white population, are subjects of momentous and grave consideration to the good people of this State.

Resolved, that, as philanthropists and lovers of freedom, we deplore the existence of slavery among us, and would use our utmost exertions to ameliorate its condition: yet we consider the unrestricted power of manumission as fraught with ultimate evils, of a more dangerous tendency than the circumstance of slavery alone; and that any act, having for its object the mitigation of these joint evils, not inconsistent with other paramount considerations, would be worthy the attention and deliberation of the representatives of a free, liberal-minded, and enlightened people."

Another resolution followed, declaring that, by the Colonization of free people of color in Africa, "these evils may be measurably diminished," and a committee was appointed to frame a bill upon" the principles" of these resolutions.

Such, then, are the principles of the Maryland benevolent system, and which of them is derived from the gospel of Christ? So far as the system relates to the free blacks, it proposes their removal, not out of kindness to them, but because they are supposed to be injurious to slave property; because their habits and manner of obtaining a subsistence, the necessary results of wicked laws, are vicious; and because they enter into competition with white laborers. This last accusation against the free blacks is a most extraordinary one, when made by a people, who keep in their employment more than ONE Hundred THOUSAND BLACK LABORERS, who toil without wages, and subsist on the scantiest fare; and yet the interference of these laborers with "the laboring class of the white population," occasions no uneasiness, and leads to no plan for their removal. And what are the principles of this system with regard to slaves? Why, that it is worse to give a slave his liberty here, than to keep him in bondage; but at the same time, that "the utmost exertions" ought to be made to "ameliorate his condition." Let us now proceed to the practical application of these principles. At the next session, a report was presented, in which calculations are entered into, to show that "the WHOLE of this popula