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e menced. Thus, the folly, the power, and the tyranny of Great Britain, have taken from us the last alternative of longer forbearance.

H. of R.

ors, and then, they say we shall consider the violation of your rights a violation of our own, ' and you are invited to accede to the confederacy Mr. J. said we must now oppose the farther of the States." Thus, the patriots of the Revencroachments of Great Britain by war, or for- olution styled the inhabitants of the British provmally annul the Declaration of our Indepen-inces friends and fellow-sufferers in 1774: Aldence, and acknowledge ourselves her devoted though then but a handful of men compared to colonies. The people whom I represent will not their present numbers, and only ten years had hesitate which of the two courses to choose; and, elapsed from their first incorporation with the if we are involved in war, to maintain our dear- British dominions; and nothing but the want of est rights, and to preserve our independence, I physical power and means prevented their indepledge myself to this House, and my constitu- pendence in 1776. The misfortunes of our arms ents to this nation, that they will not be wanting at Quebec, and in that quarter, are well known. in valor, nor in their proportion of men and These overtures of the Old Congress did not stop money to prosecute the war with effect. Before here. After the Articles of Confederation had we relinquish the conflict, I wish to see Great been adopted, the door was left open for the reBritain renounce the piratical system of paper ception of the Canadas, and the hope was not lost blockade; to liberate our captured seamen on until British arms riveted the chains of slavery board her ships of war; relinquish the practice upon them, which at that time could not be broof impressment on board our merchant vessels; ken. Now, sir, these people are more enlightened, to repeal her Orders in Council; and cease, in they have a great American population among every other respect, to violate our neutral rights; them, and they have correct ideas of liberty and to treat us as an independent people. The gen- independence, and only want an opportunity to tleman from Virginia (Mr. RANDOLPH) has ob- throw off the yoke of their taskmasters. jected to the destination of this auxiliary forcethe occupation of the Canadas, and the other British possessions upon our borders where our laws are violated, the Indians stimulated to murder our citizens, and where there is a British monopoly of the peltry and fur trade. I should not wish to extend the boundary of the United States by war if Great Britain would leave us to the quiet enjoyment of independence; but, considering her deadly and implacable enmity, and her continued hostility, I shall never die contented until I see her expulsion from North America, and her territories incorporated with the United States. It is strange that the gentleman would pause before refusing this force, if destined to keep the negroes in subordination-who are not in a state of insurrection as I understand-and he will absolutely refuse to vote this force to defend us against the lawless aggressions of Great Britain-a nation in whose favor he had said so much.

But, he has a dislike to the Canadian French. French blood is hateful to him. I have no doubt but the Canadian French are as good citizens as the Canadian English, or the refugee tories of the Revolution; nor have I any doubt but a great majority of that vast community are sound in their morals and in their politics, and would make worthy members of the United States.

But, open the sacred pages of the Journals of the Congress of 1774-75-that Congress which commenced, and conducted to victory, the American Revolution. Upon the pages of the first volume (from page 54 to 100) we will find letters addressed to the inhabitants of Canada and the province of Quebec, containing the language of affectionate respect, and, in the warmth of patriotism, inviting them to unite against British tyranny, to make the cause of quarrel common, and to enter into the union of the States on the principles of equality. The encroachments of Great Britain are depicted in the most vivid col

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Let us not think so meanly of the human character and the human mind. We are in pursuit of happiness, and we place a great value upon liberty as the means of happiness. What, then, let me ask, has changed the character of those people, that they are to be despised? What new order of things has disqualified them for the enjoyment of liberty? Has any malediction of Heaven doomed them to perpetual vassalage? Or, will the gentleman from Virginia pretend to more wisdom, and more patriotism than the constellation of patriots who conducted the infant Republic through the Revolution? In point of territorial limit, the map will prove its importance. The waters of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi interlock in a number of places, and the great Disposer of Human Events intended those two rivers should belong to the same people.

But it has been denied that British influence had any agency in the late dreadful conflict and massacre upon the Wabash; and this is said to vindicate the British nation from so foul a charge. Sir, look to the book of the Revolution. See the Indian savages in Burgoyne's army urged on every occasion to use the scalping-knife and tomahawk-not in battle, but against old men, women, and children; in the night, when they were taught to believe an Omniscient eye could not see their guilty deeds; and thus hardened in iniquity, they perpetrated the same deeds by the light of the sun, when no arm was found to oppose or protect. And when this crying sin was opposed by Lord Chatham, in the House of Lords, the employment of these Indians was justified by a speech from one of the Ministry. Thus we see how the principles of honor, of humanity, of christianity, were violated and justified in the face of the world. Therefore, I can have no doubt of the influence of British agents in keeping up Indian hostility to the people of the United States, independent of the strong proofs on this occasion; and, I hope it will not be pre

H. or R.

Foreign Relations.

DECEMBER, 1811.

tended that these agents are too moral or too re-discrimination. Why love her rulers? Why kiss ligious to do the infamous deed. So much for the expulsion of Great Britain from her dominions in North America, and their incorporation into the United States of America.

the rod of iron which inflicts the stripes without a cause? When all admit we have just cause of war, such attachments are dangerous, and encour age encroachment. I will venture to say, that our hatred of the British Government is not com

The gentleman from Virginia says we are identified with the British in religion, in blood, in lan-mensurate with her depredations and her outrages guage, and deeply laments our hatred to that coun- on our rights, or we should have waged a deadly try, who can boast of so many illustrious charac war against her many years past. The subject ters. This deep rooted enmity to Great Britain of foreign attachments and British hatred has arises from her insidious policy, the offspring of been examined at considerable length. I did not her perfidious conduct towards the United States. intend to begin that discussion, but I will pursue Her disposition is unfriendly; her enmity is im- it, and though I make no charge of British atplacable; she sickens at our prosperity and hap- tachments, I will, at all times, at every hazard, piness. If obligations of friendship do exist, why defend the Administration and the Republican does Great Britain rend those ties asunder, and party against the charge of foreign partialitiesopen the bleeding wounds of former conflicts? French or Spanish, or any other kind, when ap Or does the obligation of friendship exist on the plied to the measures of our Government. This part of the United States alone? I have never foreign influence is a dangerous enemy; we should thought that the ties of religion, of blood, of lan- destroy the means of its circulation among usguage, and of commerce, would justify or sancti- like the fatal tunic, it destroys where it touches. fy insult and injury-on the contrary, that a pre- It is insidious, invisible, and takes advantage of meditated wrong from the hand of a friend created the most unsuspecting hours of social intercourse. more sensibility, and deserved the greater chas- I would not deny the good will of France nor of tisement and the higher execration. What would Great Britain to have an undue influence among you think of a man, to whom you were bound by us. But Great Britain alone has the means of the most sacred ties, who would plunder you of this influence to an extent dangerous to the Uniyour substance, aim a deadly blow at your honor, ted States. It has been said that Great Britain and in the hour of confidence endeavor to bury a was fighting the battles of the world-that she dagger in your bossom? Would you, sir, pro- stands against universal dominion threatened by claim to the world your affection for this mis- the arch-fiend of mankind. I should be sorry if creant of society, after this conduct, and endeavor our independence depended upon the power of to interest your audience with the ties of kindred Great Britain. If, however, she would act the that bound you to each other? So let it be with part of a friendly Power towards the United States, nations, and there will be neither surprise nor I should never wish to deprive her of power, of lamentation that we execrate a Government so wealth, of honor, of prosperity. But if her enerhostile to our independence-for it is from the gies are to be directed against the liberties of this Government that we meet with such multiplied free and happy people, against my native coun injury, and to that object is our hatred directed. try, I should not drop a tear if the fast-anchored As to individuals of merit, whether British or isle would sink into the waves, provided the inFrench, I presume no person would accuse the nocent inhabitants could escape the deluge and people of the United States of such hatred to find an asylum in a more favorable soil. And as them, or of despising individuals, who might not to the power of France, I fear it as little as any be instrumental in the maritime despotism which other power; I would oppose her aggressions, unwe feel; and this accounts for the veneration we der any circumstances, as soon as I would British have for Sidney and Russell, statesmen of whom outrages. the gentleman has spoken; they are fatal examples, why we should love the British Government. The records of that Government are now stained with the blood of these martyrs in freedom's cause, as vilely as with the blood of American citizens; and certainly we shall not be called upon to love equally the murderer and the victim. For God's sake let us not again be told of the ties of religion, of laws, of blood, and of customs, which bind the two nations together, with a view to extort our love for the English Government, and more especially, when the same gentleman has acknowledged that we have ample cause of war against that nation-let us not be told of the freedom of that corrupt Government whose hands are washed alike in the blood of her own illustrious statesmen, for a manly opposition to tyranny, and the citizens of every other clime. But I would inquire into this love for the British Government and British institutions, in the gross, without any

The ties of religion, of language, of blood, as it regards Great Britain, are dangerous ties to this country, with her present hostile disposition-instead of pledges of friendship they are used to paralyze the strength of the United States in relation to her aggressions. There are other ties equally efficacious. The number of her commercial traders within our limits, her agents, &c., the vast British capital employed in our commerce and our moneyed institutions, connected with her language, ancestry, customs, habits, and laws. These are formidable means for estranging the affections of many from our republican institutions, and producing partialities for Great Britain. Now I shall attend to the charge of partiality in our measures towards France. It is an insinua tion not founded in fact, and can only exist in the imagination of those who may insinuate it. We are not driven to mere declarations-the truth of the assertion is bottomed upon the statute

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records of the United States; and we appeal to the character of every measure relative to foreign relations, since the adoption of the embargo, in consequence of the violation of neutral rights upon the high seas. The direct object of the Berlin and Milan decrees was the ruin of all trade to British ports-and the object of the Orders in Council was the destruction of all commerce to French ports and ports from which the British flag was excluded.

The offer was made; it was rejected by France, and her depredations increased. Great Britain accepted the offer, which produced the arrangement with Mr. Erskine.

H. OF R.

for the Punic faith of Great Britain. by those who had approbated his conduct. The solid column was again broken, and we have never had the pleasure since of seeing an undivided front opposed to a foreign foe, which was the case when France was the object of attack. Then Federalists and Republicans were united. After this we assumed a different attitude towards both France and Great Britain; but in the same terms of impartiality, we authorized the The laws laying an embargo, which was the President to say to France, if you will rescind first precautionary measure on the part of the your decrees, violating our neutral rights, we United States, contained a provision by which will revive the non-importation part of the nonthe President was authorized to suspend its oper- intercourse law against your rival Great Britain, ation as to Great Britain upon a repeal of the provided she should not also cease to violate our Orders in Council, and as to France upon an ex-neutral rights by a repeal of her orders; we autinguishment of the Berlin and Milan decrees. thorized the President to use the very same idenThe authority was precisely the same as to either tical language to Great Britain, that if you will Power; the instructions to our Ministers were pre- cease to violate our neutral rights, we will revive cisely the same; the offer to suspend the embargo our non-importation system against your enemy was tendered to both belligerents upon the self- France, provided she should not follow your exsame conditions. This offer was rejected by ample. This was said to France and to Great both nations, and their aggressions continued Britain in the spirit of conciliation and sincerity. Congress, yielding to the clamors of the disaf- France accepts the proposition; but it is rejected fected, repealed the embargo and substituted the by Great Britain, which acceptance on the part non-intercourse, which also contained a diplo- of France, and the extinguishment of her orders, matic provision vesting the President with power so far as they violated our neutral rights, was to suspend its operation as to the belligerents announced by the President's proclamation, and when they should cease to violate our neutral the non-intercourse revived against Great Britrights. ain. Under these circumstances Congress convened, but I looked in vain for resolutions of approbation of the President's conduct. The repeal of the French decrees was doubted, and the gentleman from Virginia was the first to introduce his resolution to repeal the non-importation revived against England by the President's proclamation, and with that repeal the proclamation; and now, when it is not denied by a single individual that the Berlin and Milan decrees are so modified as to cease to violate our neutral rights, we find the same opposition to measures against Great Britain, and the same opposition to France, as if no arrangement had been made. I might ask why this opposite conduct under the same kind of arrangement, growing out of an act of Congress, and under the same solemnities of plighted faith on the part of this Government. Under the arrangement with Great Britain we are united against France. But under the arrangement with France we behold disunion again-each man takes his party rank. How does this prove partiality to France? Does not the charge ill grace the lips of those who oppose these measures? for no man has denied the similarity in the two arrangements. In the compact with England we agreed to repeal the non-intercourse as to her, and continue it as to France, if she would repeal the Orders in Council; so with France, we agreed to revive the non-intercourse against Great Britain if France would cease to violate our neutral rights, leaving all other subjects to negotiation. France was not required as a sine qua non to make good the damages for spoliations. Nor was Great Britain required as a sine qua non to relinquish her iniquitous system of blockade, of impressment, the liberation

Erskine's arrangement was executed with fidelity on the part of the Executive of the United States. The proclamation which announced the arrangement suspended the non-intercourse as to Great Britain, and it continued as to France. Under these circumstances Congress convened at their extra session. It was a new era for opposition. The day of jubilee was announced-no gloom, every countenance smiled, every heart seemed glad; parties were forgotten; war with France and peace with England dawned upon us. We were all Americans, and the gentleman from Virginia introduced a resolution approbating the fidelity of the President in discharging his high duties to the nation. A real friend to that individual who presides over our destinies by our consent, I was happy to find his political enemies acknowledging his wisdom, his impartiality, and his integrity. I knew the President had discharged his trust faithfully. Though I followed in the rear ranks, I did not interrupt this new order of things. But our retrograde movement from the embargo to the non-intercourse and Erskine's arrangement went to London at nearly the same time; the English Ministry perfidiously rejected that arrangement which had been executed on our part, and which was so advantageous to Great Britain; the Orders in Council, so good a shield for plunder, were considered of more value than our non-intercourse. I will not dwell upon the scene this disavowal produced, nor upon the attempt to censure the President

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of our seamen, and a remuneration for captures and condemnation-these topics were left to negotiation.

DECEMBER, 1811.

and disgusting recital to others; but considerations of this kind should not induce an omission of duty. Great sensibility has existed against the wanton capture and condemnation of our vessels and cargoes. An inroad upon the colonial trade produced universal clamor; spirited complaints were forwarded, with pledges of honor · and property to oppose the robbery. But the number and enormity of these aggressions have blunted the feelings of sensibility, or the back wardness of the Government has induced the sufferers to moan their loss without an appeal to our justice. The newspapers have become vehi cles of complaint, and the only noters of Brit

The British Minister has insinuated that we have suffered our commerce to be moulded by France to the annoyance of the British trade, and attempts have been made to conjure up the idea of an alliance with France against Great Britain, because we have made arrangements with France that our neutral rights shall be regarded. The idea of an alliance is as idle as it is unfounded. Thank Heaven we are under no obligations to any Power to go to war, nor to continue that war after the objects for which we contend shall be accomplished. The non-impor-ish piracies, and the office of State is no longer tation law is the cause of complaint with Great Britain, and she knows if the Orders in Council and her blockade of May were repealed, that our non-importation law would cease to operate against her. But instead of this, sir, every day our merchant ships fall a prey to the Orders in Council, and we are menaced with retaliation for the non-importation, which does not capture and condemn British ships and cargoes, but prevents the importation of British property into

our markets.

In the year 1777 the United States entered into a treaty of alliance with the King of France; the first article binds the parties to make the cause of quarrel a common cause. The independence of the United States is the guarantee of the second article, and the eighth binds the parties to continue the war until peace should be restored with each nation, and a treaty was to be made by common consent alone. This is an example of an alliance, such a one as I hope we shall never have with France in the present undefined and bloody conflict of ambitious domination. I never wish to see an alliance with any nation. It is known to the world that we have nothing to do with the European wars; and England knows that if she ceases to violate our neutral rights, commercial intercourse would be restored, and that her many transgressions would be left to further negotiation; that, however, would not be the only requisition if left to my vote. The gentleman has also adverted to that part of the President's Message which speaks of our relations with France. France is no doubt unfriendly in her rigorous municipal regulations; the President has recommended retaliation, and who will refuse to take those measures? I shall not. Mention has also been made of the riot at Savannah; that transaction has two sides to it. I have read both of them; I fear something is rotten in Denmark. I will not judge, however, before the facts are correctly known.

But in the zeal to speak of French insult and injury, it was to be regretted that the talents of the gentleman from Virginia were not engaged upon the subject of our impressed seamen and commercial aggressions by Great Britain. He must not be surprised if these subjects should be omitted.

To attempt an enumeration of these aggressions would be a laborious task to me-a painful

troubled with reading the cold details. But to lump this business: about twenty-eight years have elapsed since the commencement of the British spoliations. Suppose the vessels and cargoes captured and condemned within that period contrary to public law could be collected together in the Potomac, it would present to the mind a striking evidence of the justice of our complaints; you would find it difficult to find safe anchorage for these vessels from the Eastern Branch to Alexandria-ten miles distant, and the brick wall which encloses the navy yard would not furnish a sufficient warehouse for the property; and to carry on this supposition, if a convocation of the real sufferers in these aggressions could be effect ed, a great multitude would animate this desert city. The list of bankruptcies should likewise be produced; you would bring the sufferers from every part of the United States.

In this group we should see every kind of im porting, wholesale and retail merchant-the farmer who raised the produce, the mechanic who worked up the raw material, the ship owners, the shipcarpenter and his numerous host of journeymen, the creditors of each class; and at the heels of these people you might introduce the constables and sheriffs with their executions, and the tax gatherers; and if silence was supposed to be ordered for the complaints of each class to be heard, we should find in the commercial class a distiaguished orator from Boston, pleading the cause of the merchant; so from New York, one from Bal timore, Philadelphia, and Charleston. Thus Brit ish aggressions would be visually and mentally unfolded to the view, and doubts could no longer be entertained of its enormity.

But a stranger to these outrages would be sur prised to be told, that this was a secondary class of injuries; upon which the subject of impressment should be introduced to his view. About twenty years have elapsed since the commencement of this infernal practice-this outrage upon the honor of our flag, and this attack upon the personal liberty and personal security of American citizens.

The number of native and naturalized seamen impressed from our merchant vessels and seduced from our merchant service, cannot be estimated at less than fifty thousand during this period of twenty years, and retained in bondage during life, or who have escaped by desertion or the interference of our Government. The condition of

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these fifty thousand men has been more intolerable than that of the malefactor in the penitentiary or work-house. Who could detail the misery of these men? Who could number the stripes inflicted upon their naked skin at the yard-arm by a second lieutenant or midshipman? Who could enumerate the ignominious scars left by the cat-o-nine-tails? This scourge, this infamous practice, does not fall alone upon the unfortunate tar, the hardy seaman-convoke the fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, wives, and children of these victims of maritime despotism, and hear from them their tale of sorrow, and let an hundred pens record their sighs and groans which are now given in vain to the idle wind.

But to close this scene, the death of Robert Howell will show the connexion of this infamy with national honor.

It is well authenticated that a number of American citizens were serving on board the British ship-of-war the Little Belt, during her engagement with Commodore Rodgers-that these men, upon refusing to fight against their own country, were menaced with death-that during the engagement a certain Robert Howell of New York was wounded with a cannon ball, his whole thigh was shot off-that just before his death, while in the act of sending to some relation some token of remembrance, a British officer inquired how he did-that Howell replied and told him he was dying, and said "see to what you have brought me, to force me to fight against my brothers; my own countrymen have taken my life through your means." Let the curtain drop and hide the body of Howell from our sight!

Thus twenty-eight years have elapsed, and the only remedy which we have attempted against these crying enormities has been negotiation and remonstrance, and so far from producing any beneficial effect, Great Britain has made new innovations and urged new pretensions, until the neutral rights of the United States are entirely destroyed. Let it not be forgotten, that for the abuses enumerated war is not alone urged, but those practices now continue and are put in more rigorous execution. We would agree to suffer the injuries inflicted for the sake of peace; but no principle of piracy is relinquished, nor is any abuse changed, and the United States are now the victims of this desolating system. May the wrath of this nation kindle into a flame and become a consuming fire! Though slow to anger, may her indignation be like the rushing of mighty waters and the volcanic eruptions of Hecla !

The gentleman from Virginia has called the military regular forces mercenaries. If by this appellation any reproach or degradation is intended, its justice and propriety is denied. In times like the present, when dangers thicken upon us, at the moment when we are compelled by most wanton tyranny upon the high seas, and upon land may be added, to abandon our peaceful habits for the din of arms, officers and soldiers in this country are governed by the noble feelings of patriotism and of valor. The history of the world may be ransacked; other nations may be brought

H. OF R.

in review before us, and examples of greater heroism cannot be quoted, than shall be performed in battle by our officers and soldiers, military, and naval, and marine. The deeds of their ancestors would be before them; glory would animate their bosoms, and love of country would nerve the heart to deeds of mighty fame. If, therefore, there should not be a diminution of respect for those who entertain an opinion so degrading to our army, it should at least be understood that such opinions do not lessen the confidence due to those who faithfully serve their country, and who would lay down their life for it. This reflection brings to memory the late memorable conflict upon the Wabash. Governor Harrison pitched his tents near the Prophet's town; and although this fanatic had his followers collected, and the Amercan forces were anxious to finish work by an open and day-light engagement, if there was a necessity to resort to arms, their impetuous valor was easily stayed, when they were informed that the white flag of peace was to be hoisted next morning, and the effusion of blood was to be spared. But in the silent watches of the night, relieved from the fatigues of valor, and slumbering under the perfidious promises of the savages, who were infuriated and made drunk by British traders, dreaming of the tender smile of a mother, and the fond embraces of affectionate wives, and of prattling children upon their knees, on their return from the fatigues of a campaign!-the destroyers came with the silent instruments of death, the war club, the scalping knife, the tomahawk, and the bow and arrow; with these they penetrate into the heart of our forces-they enter the tents of our officers-many close their eyes in deathit was a trying moment for the rest of our heroes, but they were equal to the dreadful occasion. The American forces flew to arms; they rallied at the voice of their officers, and soon checked the work of death. The savages were successively and successfully charged and driven until day-light, when they disappeared like the mist of morning. In this dreadful conflict many were killed and wounded on both sides; and the volunteers and the regiment under Colonel Boyd acted and fought with equal bravery and to their immortal honor. The volunteers from Kentucky were men of valor and worth-young men of hopeful prospects, and married men of reputation and intelligence, governed by no mercenary views-honor prompted them to serve their country. Some of these fallen heroes were my acquaintances. my friends: one not the least conspicuous lived in my districtColonel Owens; Colonel Daviess, a neighbor. You, Mr. Speaker, know the worth of some of these men; and I regret that you are not in my place to speak their praise. So long as the records of this transaction remain, the 9th of November will not be forgotten, and time shall only brighten the fame of the deeds of our army, and a tear shall be shed for those who have fallen. But the loss will not be felt by the public alone: the friends of their social hours will regret their loss; the widow will mourn her disconsolate situ❘ation; the orphan shall cry for the return of his

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