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I regret to say that his Excellency's language was not over satisfactory. He stated, indeed, that he could give me the positive assurance that there was no understanding whatever upon the subject between France and Sardinia, but he did not deny that the question had been more than once discussed, and that the Emperor had entertained the idea that if Sardinia was to become a large Italian Kingdom, it was not unreasonable to expect that she should make territorial concessions elsewhere.

I said that I trusted that the Emperor for his own sake, and for the sake of his reputation with Europe, would abandon any such idea of territorial aggrandisement, if he still harboured it.

No. 3.

Lord J. Russell to Earl Cowley.

My Lord,

Foreign Office, July 5, 1859.

I HAVE to state to your Excellency, with reference to the report contained in your despatch of the 4th instant, of a conversation which you had had with Count Walewski, that Her Majesty's Government have learned with extreme concern that the question of annexing Savoy to France has been in agitation.

The Emperor's declaration at Milan that the "enemies" of the Emperor represented him as making war to aggrandize the territory of France, gave great satisfaction in this country. But in Germany it was confidently said that this declaration would not be adhered to.

If Savoy should be annexed to France, it will generally be supposed that the left bank of the Rhine, and the "natural limits," will be the next object; and thus the Emperor will become an object of suspicion to Europe, and kindle the hostility of which his uncle was the victim.

In conforming your language to Count Walewski to the tenour of this despatch, your Excellency will make him understand that the observations of Her Majesty's Government are dictated by the most friendly feelings towards the Emperor.

Count Persigny spoke to me to-day on the same subject, and I made to him the same remarks I have made to your Lordship. He dwelt on the little value of Savoy, a bare rock, as he said, but which might avail Piedmont for an attack on France if Sardinia should become a great Power. I purposely abstained from any discussion of the value of (Savoy. That part of the subject may be reserved for future comment.

No. 4.

I am, &c.

(Signed)

J. RUSSELL.

My Lord,

Earl Cowley to Lord J. Russell.-(Received July 9.)

Paris, July 8, 1859. IN the course of the interview which I had with Count Walewski, this afternoon, his Excellency said that I might give your Lordship the assurance that the Emperor had abandoned all idea of annexing Savoy to France.

I said that Her Majesty's Government would receive this intelligence with unmixed satisfaction, and that I rejoiced that the Emperor had relinquished a project, the success of which would have been of no real value to France, and would seriously have affected His Majesty's position in the eyes of Europe. I have, &c. (Signed) COWLEY.

My Lord,

No. 5.

Lord J. Russell to Earl Cowley.

Foreign Office, July 9, 1859.

I HAVE received your Excellency's despatch of yesterday, stating that Count Walewski had informed you that you might give me the assurance that the Emperor had abandoned the idea of annexing Savoy to France and I have to instruct your Excellency to state to Count Walewski that Her Majesty's Government highly appreciate the spirit which has prompted His Imperial Majesty thus distinctly to disclaim a project which, while it would have contributed no real benefit to France, would have very materially affected the Emperor's reputation in Europe. For the Powers of Europe not only attach considerable importance to the maintenance of Savoy in its present relation towards Sardinia, but they would also have looked upon any attempt to sever that connection for the augmentation of the French territory as a manifest contradiction of the disinterested policy which the Emperor has declared induced him to engage in the present war.

I am, &c.

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(Extract.)

Captain Harris to Lord J. Russell.-(Received October 3.)

Berne, September 26, 1859.

IN my despatch dated the 1st of July, I had the honour to make known to your Lordship the anxiety felt by the Swiss Government respecting the rumour of a proposed cession of Savoy to France, and their wishes for the good offices of Her Majesty's Government in the event of their being needed. This anxiety was in a great measure allayed by your Lordship's declaration in Parliament, stating that France had no intention of making any such acquisition. The President has occasionally expressed to me a fear lest the formation of the proposed Italian Confederation, and the position of the King of Sardinia in it, might interfere with the arrangements made in the Treaties of 1815, for the protection of the south-western frontier of Switzerland.

My answer has been that if the Italian Confederation were formed, they would have difficulties enough to contend with, without raising one in that quarter; and that no negotiated change respecting the neutral territory could take effect without the consent of the Powers signataries of the Treaties of 1815.

The President told me yesterday that the Federal Council had, on the meeting of the Plenipoientiaries at Zurich, addressed notes to Paris, Turin, and Vienna, inquiring whether the above-mentioned subject would be entered upon at Zurich. They received an answer in the negative from Vienna, but no reply from Paris or Turin.

No. 7.

My Lord,

Captain Harris to Lord J. Russell.-(Received November 15.)

Berne, November 12, 1859. THE President of the Swiss Confederation informs me that some anxiety is still felt by the Federal Council respecting the rumoured transfer of Savoy, alluded to in my despatches of July 1 and of September 26.

They have accordingly drawn up a Memorial, showing the importance which they attach to the integrity of the south-western frontier of Switzerland being well secured, as contemplated by the Treaties of 1815. This Memorial is to be addressed officially to the Great Powers signataries of those Treaties, at the Congress which it is said is about to assemble, should the Swiss Government have reason to suppose that the subject will be mooted there.

The Memorial will in a few days be printed in French, as well as German, when I will forward a copy to your Lordship.

I have, &c.

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My Lord,

Captain Harris to Lord J. Russell.-(Received November 22.)

Berne, November 19, 1859. THE President of the Confederation tells me he will soon address a note to the Great Powers, inquiring whether neutral territory of Savoy is to form part of the proposed Italian Confederation.

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(Extract.)

Captain Harris to Lord J. Russell.-(Received November 24.)

Berne, November 21, 1859.

I HAVE the honour to transmit to your Lordship the copy of a despatch which I received last night, addressed to me by the President of the Confederation on the part of the Federal Council, relative to the neutral territory of Savoy.

I also inclose a copy of the Mémoire alluded to in the despatch.

I have reason to believe that similar communications have been made to the Representatives of the other Powers who signed the Treaties of 1815.

I have had frequently occasion to allude to the anxiety felt by the Swiss Government upon this subject, their reasons for which are fully set forth in the accompanying despatch and Mémoire.

I will not obtrude on your Lordship's better judgment my opinions on the statements contained in those documents; but occupied as your Lordship's mind is with weighty matters elsewhere, I may venture briefly to recall to your memory the events which, since 1815, have had an important influence on the position of Switzerland.

The adoption of the Constitution of 1848, the result of the gradual advance of the Radical party since the year 1831, although it shook the social relations: of this country to their centre, and inflicted hardships upon many, nevertheless by conferring greater power on the Executive, and establishing more uniformity in legislation and finance, imparted a vigour and prosperity to Switzerland which she had never heretofore possessed. Amongst the advantages reaped has: been the development of her military strength. In the winter of 1856-57, during the crisis of the Neuchâtel affair, this country placed on foot within a month an army of 200,000 men, well provided with artillery, and confidently prepared to cope with the invading armies of Prussia. Yet from the fact that the rank and file of this force are solely supplied from Militia Contingents, for which the early drilling and training of the population offer great facilities, it is evident that this army can never become an aggressive force, but one well calculated to maintain the position of independent neutrality which European statesmen are anxious to secure for Switzerland.

There is no doubt, however, that the change in the Constitution of this country was obnoxious to the absolute Powers who march with her frontier; and this gave rise to a succession of unpleasant questions at times threatening the peace of Europe: but the firmness and moderation of the Swiss Government, supported at a critical moment by the friendly intervention of England, has enabled Switzerland to weather those storms; and the strictly neutral, and at the same time conciliatory, conduct observed by her during late events secure for her the goodwill of the belligerent Powers.

The severance of Neuchâtel from Prussia, although I have reason to believe that amicable relations are perfectly restored between that country and Switzer

land, will probably indispose the former from taking a direct interest in affairs

here.

But the most important event affecting the foreign relations of Switzerland during past years has undoubtedly been the transfer of Lombardy to the Court of Turin. It may reasonably be expected that those differences both in civil and ecclesiastical matters between the Tessin and Austria, will not be revived with a country possessed of free institutions. It is, moreover, obvious, looking at the relative geographical position of the two countries-Switzerland, as it were, forming the bulwark of Northern Italy, whilst the latter supplies her with produce most essential to her prosperity-that these two nations ought at once to enter into the most frank and cordial relations of amity, in which spirit alone I believe the questions raised in the despatch and Mémoire can arrive at a speedy and satisfactory conclusion.

Inclosure 1 in No. 9.

MM. Staempfli and Schiess to Captain Harris.

Berne, le 18 Novembre, 1859.

LA Paix ayant été signée à Zurich, on ne tardera pas à s'occuper de la réunion d'un Congrès.

Le Conseil Fédéral n'a aucune connaissance de la teneur du programme fixé pour les délibérations du Congrès, mais ne saurait douter que la mission principale qui lui incombera sera de régler l'état des choses en Italie, ce qui fait qu'on s'y occupera entre autres de la formation d'une Confédération Italienne prévue dans les Préliminaires de Villafranca.

• Le Conseil Fédéral est très-éloigné de vouloir s'immiscer dans des négociations qui ne concernent que les intérêts d'autres Etats, mais il doit tenir en revanche à être entendu et appelé à participer à des délibérations qui devraient toucher aux rapports internationaux de la Suisse, tels qu'ils ont été constitués par les Traités.

Or, l'on ne saurait disconvenir que les rapports internationaux de la Suisse seraient atteints par la formation d'une Confédération Italienne, alors que la Sardaigne devrait y être comprise avec les parties de la Savoie incorporées à la neutralité Suisse.

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Les stipulations en vigueur des Traités portent : que toutes les fois que les Puissances voisines de la Suisse se trouveront en état d'hostilités ouvertes ou imminentes, les troupes de Sa Majesté le Roi de Sardaigne qui pourraient se trouver dans les provinces neutralisées, se retireront et pourront à cet effet passer par le Valais, si cela devient nécessaire; qu'aucunes autres troupes armées d'aucune Puissance ne pourront y stationner ni les traverser, sauf celles que la Confédération Suisse jugerait à propos d'y placer."

Il est dès-lors de toute évidence que la position des Provinces Savoyardes sera essentiellement modifiée vis-à-vis de la Suisse, si ces provinces doivent faire partir de la Confédération Italienne. Car il n'est pas à douter que cette Confédération n'aura pas seulement pour objet des intérêts politiques et commerciaux, mais qu'elle embrassera aussi principalement les intérêts militaires de l'Italie. Dans ce cas là les troupes de la Confédération pourront-elles pénétrer dans les provinces neutralisées ou y stationner? Est-ce que ces troupes prétendront à l'égal des Piémontaises au droit de se retirer par le Valais? La Confédération même réclamera-t-elle des attributions militaires dans les provinces neutralisées, comme, par exemple, la faculté d'y établir des fortifications, et quelles concessions lui seront faites sur ce territoire?

Ces questions ont pour nous une grande importance, d'autant plus que des Etats de premier rang doivent prendre part aussi à l'alliance Italienne, et que pour ce qui concerne la Savoie, leurs troupes se trouveraient au bénéfice des conditions susmentionnées. Quant à la Suisse, dont les rapports militaires avec la Savoie ont été fixés par les Traités, elle se trouveraient à l'avenir non plus seulement en face de l'ancien Royaume de Sardaigne, mais de toute la Confédération Italienne, c'est-à-dire, également d'une Puissance de premier ordre.

Le Conseil Fédéral n'ignore assurément pas que les rapports conventionnels entre la Suisse et la Savoie neutralisée ne sauraient en droit être changés sans

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l'assentiment de la première, et il a la ferme conviction que jamais les Puissances ne refuseront de reconnaître un tel principe.

Mais il est visible aussi que la circonstance de l'annexion des provinces neutralisées à l'alliance Italienne ne laisserait pas de modifier en fait sensiblement les rapports des Etats en présence, et il serait à craindre dès-lors que dans les questions qui viendraient à s'élever sur la position et les droits de la Confédération Italienne vis-à-vis des provinces neutralisées, ainsi que vis-à-vis de la Suisse, et réciproquement, on ne vit presque inevitablement surgir des interprétations divergentes et des conflits. On peut dire même qu'une réserve expresse des droits de la Suisse ne suffirait pas à prévenir de pareils conflits; d'où il résulte que si les provinces neutralisées de la Savoie devaient être réellement comprises dans la Confédération Italienne, il faudrait que les rapports entre la Suisse et cette Confédération fussent exactement déterminés à l'avance et réglés d'une manière précise par voie de Convention. Le Conseil Fédéral croit donc devoir, au nom du pays qu'il représente, adresser aux Puissances la légitime demande que pour le cas où la formation de la Confédération Italienne viendrait à être agitée au sein du prochain Congrès, et que celle-ci dût comprendre aussi les parties de la Savoie incorporées à la neutralité Helvétique, la Suisse soit admise aux délibérations du Congrès en tant qu'elles auront pour objet les rapports avec les territoires neutralisés de la Savoie.

Il pourrait à la même occasion être aussi question d'un autre point qui concerne la neutralité de la Savoie, en vue de lui donner une détermination plus précise; nous voulons parler du chemin-de-fer dernièrement construit de Culoz à Chambery, à l'égard duquel on peut se demander s'il devrait continuer à faire partie du territoire neutralisé. Une rédaction précise aurait pour effet de prévenir dans la suite des interprétations divergents et d'éviter à la Suisse des réclamations et des reproches dont elle n'a pas été toujours épargnée le printemps dernier, alors qu'elle n'a pas voulu reconnaître l'obligation d'empêcher le passage des troupes Françaises par le dit chemin-de-fer.

Le Conseil Fédéral prie M. le Ministre Plénipotentiaire de Sa Majesté Britannique de bien vouloir communiquer à son Gouvernement les observations qui précèdent, et il joint en même temps ici trois exemplaires du Mémoire élaboré par ses soins, concernant les rapports existants entre la Suisse et la Savoie neutralisée; saisissant, &c.

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PEACE having been signed at Zurich, attention will be turned without delay to the meeting of a Congress.

The Federal Council has no knowledge of the tenour of the programme determined upon for the deliberations of the Congress; but cannot doubt that the principal duty which will be incumbent upon it will be to regulate the state of affairs in Italy, for which reason it will occupy itself, amongst other things, with the formation of an Italian Confederation foreshadowed in the Preliminaries of Villafranca.

The Federal Council is very far from wishing to interfere in negotiations which only concern the interests of other States, but it must claim, in return, to be consulted and called upon to participate in deliberations which may affect the international relations of Switzerland, as they have been constituted by Treaties.

Now it cannot be denied that the international relations of Switzerland would be affected by the formation of an Italian Confederation, when Sardinia should be therein included with the parts of Savoy incorporated in the neutrality of Switzerland.

The stipulations of the Treaties in force say, "that whenever the neighbouring Powers to Switzerland shall find themselves in a state of hostility, either open or imminent, the troops of His Majesty the King of Sardinia who may happen to be in the neutralised Provinces shall retire, and for that object they may, if necessary, pass through the Valais; that no other armed troops of any

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