n'a pas, dans leur pensée, été pris en considération, et, pour ainsi dire, sousentendu comme allant de soi. Mais supposons le pis, supposons qu'il n'ait été fait ni tacitement ni par écrit aucune réserve en notre faveur, et que l'intention des Parties Contractantes du Traité récemment signé ait été de donner à la France toute la Savoie y compris les provinces faisant partie de la neutralité Suisse, notre position serait alors extrêmement critique. Environnés de tous côtés par un puissant voisin, nous serions, comme on dit vulgairement, dans une souricière, et nous courrions un grand danger pour notre indépendance.

"Tous nos efforts doivent donc tendre à faire comprendre cette situation à une Puissance amie, avec laquelle nous sympathisons sur beaucoup de points, en particulier sur la guerre de l'indépendance Italienne et sur les mesures tendant à la liberté économique, récemment inaugurées en France. Nous qui sympathisons avec ce voisin sous tant de rapports, nous devons examiner, sans y mettre aucun esprit de défiance prématurée, si nous ne pourrions pas invoquer en notre faveur cette sympathie qui vient des besoins mutuels et des aspirations communes des deux peuples. Nous devons nous abstenir de toute parole hostile, en songeant que nous n'en sommes pas au point où nous pourrions avoir toute à craindre.

"Les Provinces Sardes qui nous entourent doivent être appelées à se prononcer ouvertement, par le suffrage universel, sur la question de leur annexion à la France ou à la Suisse. Qu'elles apprennent, par notre exemple, ce que c'est que le suffrage universel, qu'elles exercent ce droit suprême avec la force de la conviction et sans se laisser détourner ou intimider par des influences du dehors! Nous pouvons, quant à nous, retrouver la position d'indépendance, de sécurité qui paraît être menacée en ce moment. Pour cela, encourageons nos voisins à dire leur opinion, à la proclamer sans arrière-pensée, par tous les moyens légaux. Cette opinion, je le crois, n'est pas douteuse; elle est conforme aux intérêts de ces provinces qui font, dès longtemps, partie de la neutralité Suisse, et conforme également aux conditions de sécurité que réclame notre patrie.

"Messieurs! Au milieu des événements actuels, nous pouvons mettre en avant une pensée consolante pour cette partie de territoire dont on paraît aujourd'hui faire une sorte de marché. La Suisse ne fait plus de conquêtes; les temps sont heureusement passés à tout jamais, où elle possédait des pays tributaires. Si les provinces dont il s'agit deviennent Suisses, elles ne perdront pas leur autonomie; elles resteront elles-mêmes, avec leur nom, leurs traditions, leur indépendance; la Confédération est une agglomération d'Etats libres et souverains qui se tendent la main quand le danger menace l'un d'eux, mais dont aucun n'est absorbé par l'ensemble, et qui mettent en pratique cette belle devise: 'Un pour tous, tous pour un !'

"Cela est bien différent de la condition dans laquelle se trouveraient ces provinces si elles venaient à être réunies à un grand empire où elles seraient fondues et perdraient leur histoire individuelle, leurs magistrats nationaux et jusqu'à leurs noms. Elles feraient partie d'un Etat vaste, puissant, grand par ses idées libérales; mais elles seraient rayées du nombre des nations. Il n'y a évidemment pas égalité dans le choix qui leur est offert d'appartenir à la Confédération Suisse ou à la France. En choisissant la Suisse, elles forment la Savoie confédérée; demain, si elles deviennent Françaises, elles seront un autre peuple et perdront la physionomie qui leur est propre. C'est, pour nos voisins de la Savoie, une chose à considérer avec beaucoup d'attention.

Quant à nous, si l'on vient nous dire: Qu'avez-vous fait pour qu'on vous donne une augmentation de territoire?' Nous répondrons que nous ne demandons rien, que nous ne cherchons pas à conquérir ni à dominer, que nous sommes une agglomération d'individualités dont chacune reste à elle-même et se trouve jointe à l'ensemble pour profiter des avantages d'une paix perpétuelle; mais que nous voulons défendre notre sûreté, notre intégrité, et que toutes les Puissances ont reconnu que la neutralité des Provinces Sardes qui nous avoisinent est nécessaire à notre indépendance. Pour que la paix devienne une réalité, il faut que nous soyons militairement prêts à la défendre.

"Je viens, Messieurs, de vous exposer la question telle qu'elle se présente en fait et en droit. Je vous demande maintenant que de cette assemblée il ne sorte qu'une résolution unanime, celle de demander aux autorités du Canton et aux autorités Suisses d'avoir l'œil ouvert et de faire leur possible pour que nos frontières naturelles nous soient conservées commc garantie de notre indépendance et de notre neutralité!"

(Translation.)

Geneva, February 4, 1860.

WE complete to-day, as well as we can, our report of the public meeting of yesterday, reproducing, from notes which we took there, the very remarkable speech delivered by M. James Fazy

"Gentlemen, when I saw the notice which invited the citizens to assemble for the purpose of considering the interests of the country in danger, I thought it my duty to answer this summons, and that, first, as a citizen, and further, from thinking that if the country is threatened with danger, it is for the magistrates elected by the suffrages of the people to place themselves foremost in the breach. I have just heard that the question is regarding the Treaties which may have been concluded between France, on the one part, and the Government of Sardinia on the other, for the cession of Savoy. Unfortunately, it is but too true that this Convention was signed on the 27th January by the Sardinian Government; but from this positive fact we cannot yet deduce that our security is really threatened. It is true that there is no written reserve made in the Treaty which we are discussing in favour of our rights over the Sardinian neutralized territory; but we do not know whether in the intention of the Contracting Parties there may not exist some reservation in this sense, something which may preserve our ancient neutrality and our rights recognized by the Treaties of 1814 and 1815, and even previously to those Treaties. In fact, before the French Revolution, it was understood that if ever it should happen that Savoy should be ceded to France, the provinces of Chablais, of Faucigny, and a portion of the Genevese, must necessarily form part of the Swiss Confederation to insure the integrity of its territory.

"We do not yet know whether what has been so well established, and expressed in so clear a manner, does not enter into the views of the adjoining Powers, and has not, in their intentions, been taken into consideration, and, so to speak, understood as taken for granted. But let us suppose the worst; let us suppose that neither tacitly, nor by writing, has any reserve been made in our favour, and that it has been the intention of the Parties contracting the Treaty recently signed, to give to France the whole of Savoy, including the provinces forming part of Swiss neutrality, our position would then be extremely critical. Surrounded on all sides by a powerful neighbour, we should be, to speak vulgarly, in a mouse-trap, and we should incur a great risk for our independence.

"All our efforts, then, should tend to explain this situation to a friendly Power, with whom we sympathise on many points; in particular upon the Italian war of independence, and upon the measures tending to freedom of commerce lately inaugurated in France. We, who sympathise with this neighbour in so many respects, should consider, without introducing any spirit of premature distrust, if we cannot invoke in our favour the sympathy which arises from the mutual wants and common aspirations of the two peoples. We should abstain from any hostile word, reflecting that we have not arrived at the point where we may have everything to fear.

"The Sardinian Provinces which surround us should be called upon to pronounce openly, by universal suffrage, upon the question of their annexation to France or Switzerland. Let them learn, by our example, what is universal suffrage; let them exercise this supreme right with the force of conviction, and without allowing themselves to be turned aside or intimidated by influences from without. We can, for our part, recover the position of independence, of security, which appears to be threatened at this moment. For this end, let us encourage our neighbours to give their opinion, to proclaim it without reservation, by all legal means. This opinion I think is not doubtful; it is in conformity with the interests of these provinces which have long formed part of the Swiss neutral territory, and equally in conformity with the conditions of security which our country requires.

"Gentlemen, in the midst of actual events we can place before us a consideration consoling to that portion of territory about which a kind of bargain seems to be now being made. Switzerland no longer makes conquests. The times have happily passed away for ever when she held tributary territories. If the provinces of which we are treating become Swiss, they will not lose their free action. They will remain the same, with their name, their traditions, their

independence. The Confederation is an agglomeration of free and sovereign States which mutually assist each other when danger menaces one of them, but of which no one is absorbed by the whole, and which puts in practice that beautiful motto, 'One for all, all for one.'

"This is very different from the condition in which the provinces would find themselves, if they were to be united to a great Empire in which they would be swamped, and would lose their individual history, their national magistrates, and even their names. They would form part of a State, vast, powerful, great by her liberal ideas; but they would be erased from the number of nations. There is evidently no equality in the offer which is made to them of belonging to the Swiss Confederation or to France. In choosing Switzerland, they form Savoy confederated; to-morrow, if they become French, they will be another people, and will lose their natural features. This is a matter for our neighbours of Savoy to consider with much attention.

"As for us, if it be said to us, What have you done that you should be presented with an augmentation of territory?' We shall reply, that we demand nothing, that we do not seek to conquer nor to rule, that we are an agglomeration of individualities, each of which remains independent, and finds itself joined to the whole to profit by the advantages of a perpetual Peace; but that we wish to defend our safety, our integrity, and that all the Powers have recognized that the neutrality of the Sardinian Provinces which border on us is necessary for our independence. In order that peace may become a reality, we must be, militarily, ready to defend it.

"I have explained to you, Gentlemen, the question, such as it presents itself, in fact and in right. I demand of you now, that from this meeting, there shall result only an unanimous resolution, that of demanding of the authorities of the Canton, and of the Swiss authorities, that they should keep their eyes open, and do their best to secure that our natural frontiers may be preserved to us as a guarantee of our independence and of our neutrality."

No. 30.

My Lord,

Captain Harris to Lord J. Russell.-(Received February 11.)

Berne, February 8, 1860. THE movement in the Provinces of Chablais and Faucigny in favour of a union with Switzerland in the event, of the cession of other parts of Savoy to France appears to be on the increase.

I have the honour to inclose a declaration in that sense signed by the inhabitants of Contamines on the Arve. It was preceded by declarations from Boëge and Saxel; and I am informed that several other towns and communes are about to follow their example.

This subject forms the leading topic of nearly all the Swiss newspapers.

I have, &c.

Extract from the "Journal de Genève" of February 7, 1860.

Genève, le 7 Février, 1860.

L'INITIATIVE prise par les Communes de Boëge et de Saxel a eu les résultats auxquels on pouvait s'attendre. De nombreuses déclarations se signent avec empressement dans un grand nombre de communes des provinces qui nous avoisinent. Nous recevons aujourd'hui la déclaration suivante de Contamines-sur-Arve:

"Contamines-sur-Arve (Faucigny).

"Les Soussignés, habitant la Commune de Contamines-sur-Arve, Province du Faucigny, inquiets des bruits qui se répandent, et d'après lesquels la Savoie cesserait de faire partie des Etats de Sa Majesté Sarde, désirent consigner ici

l'expression de leur dévouement au Roi, et le vœu qu'ils forment de ne voir aucun changement apporté à leur union avec la Monarchie Sarde.

66

Mais, d'autre part, et dans le cas où des raisons politiques dont ils ne veulent point se faire juges, rendraient une séparation inévitable, ils sont convaincus que leur Souverain ne disposera pas de sujets fidèles, sans leur avoir permis de manifester leurs vœux, dans une circonstance aussi importante pour leur avenir.

"En conséquence, et malgré les sympathies que peut éveiller un grand et glorieux Empire, ils témoignent expressément leur désir d'être réunis à la Confédération Suisse, de laquelle les rapprochent dès longtemps la communauté des intérêts et des sentiments, ainsi que les relations de bonne amitié dont ils ont reçu tant de preuves.

(Signé) "JEAN CORNUT, Instituteur." [And 133 others.]

(Translation.)

Geneva, February 7, 1860.

THE initiative taken by the Communes of Boëge and Saxel has had the results that might have been expected. Numerous declarations have been signed with eagerness in many Communes of the neighbouring Provinces. We have received to-day the following declaration from Contamines-sur-Arve:

"Contamines-sur-Arve (Faucigny).

"The Undersigned, inhabitants of the Commune of Contamines-sur-Arve, province of Faucigny, disquieted by reports spread abroad, according to which Savoy will cease to form part of the States of His Sardinian Majesty, desire to express their devotion to the King, and their wish to see no change wrought with respect to their union with the Sardinian monarchy.

"But, on the other hand, if political reasons of which they do not seek to make themselves judges should render a separation inevitable, they are convinced that their Sovereign will not dispose of faithful subjects without having permitted them to manifest their wishes with regard to a circumstance so important for their future.

"Consequently, and notwithstanding the sympathies which a great and' glorious Empire might call forth, they signify decidedly their desire to be united to the Swiss Confederation, to which State, by community of interests and sentiments, as well as by relations of goodwill, of which they have received so many proofs, they have for a long time been attracted.

(Signed)

"JEAN CORNUT." (And 133 others.)

No. 31.

My Lord,

Earl Cowley to Lord J. Russell-(Received February 11.)

Paris, February 10, 1860.

I HAD an opportunity of seeing the Emperor yesterday, and I had the honour of having some conversation with His Majesty on the subject of the annexation of Savoy to France.

His Majesty did not deny that, under certain eventualities, and on the grounds stated in my despatch of the 5th instant, he might think it right to claim a proper frontier for France; that he believed that the wish of the Savoyards was to be united to France; and that he could not understand why, in the case of the Duchies, the wishes of the populations were to be attended to, and that the same principle should not prevail with respect to Savoy.

His Majesty, however, disclaimed all intention of annexing Savoy against the will of the Savoyards themselves, and without having consulted the Great Powers.

I asked His Majesty whether he would allow me to repeat this assurance to your Lordship, and the permission was most graciously and cordially given.

I have, &c. (Signed) COWLEY.

(Extract.)

No. 32.

Lord J. Russell to Earl Cowley.

Foreign Office, February 13, 1860.

I HAVE laid before the Queen your Excellency's despatch of the 5th instant, in respect to Savoy.

M. Thouvenel states, in substance, that the French Government have never concealed their opinions that if the territories of the King of Sardinia greatly increased, the addition of Savoy and Nice to France would be required for the security of the French Empire; that the Treaty of Zurich did not contemplate such an aggrandizement of Sardinia; and therefore the project of annexing Savoy was no longer entertained. But that, if the votes of Central Italy should enlarge the dominions of the King of Sardinia, and place him at the head of 11,000,000 of Italians, the security of France would require the annexation of Savoy and Nice to France.

I have to state, in reply, that although the project of the annexation of Savoy to France has been sometimes mentioned to your Excellency, yet it was in contradiction to the language of the proclamations of the Emperor of the French before and during the war in Italy, and that it is only very lately this annexation has appeared in the light of a probable arrangement.

It is only of late, therefore, that it has been thought necessary by Her Majesty's Government to state their serious objections to the project of transferring Savoy and Nice to France.

Her Majesty's Government cannot conceive that the security of France, a country so rich, so populous, and so military, possessing 36,000,000 of inhabitants, without counting her colonies, can be endangered by the existence, on the other side of the Alps, of a State of 11,000,000 of people, lately joined by a cement not yet dry, threatened, on the side of Lombardy, by Austria, and not very certain of its own independence.

It is said the danger to France arises not from Sardinia alone, but from Sardinia as Member of a Confederation. But it is not at all evident that a Confederation, of which Sardinia were a member, with only 5,000,000 of inhabitants, might not be quite as formidable to France as a Confederation with which Sardinia would enter with 11,000,000 of inhabitants. The danger, if any, to France would consist not in the small difference in the population of Sardinia, but in the strength, whatever it might be, of the other Powers who might have so combined against France.

I understand, however, from your despatch, and from another despatch received on the 11th instant, that the Emperor would consult the Great Powers of Europe on this project if seriously entertained, and that it never entered his thoughts to constrain either the will of the King of Sardinia, or that of the people of Savoy and Nice.

Further correspondence, therefore, may be reserved for future occasion. In the meantime, your Excellency will read this despatch to M. de Thouvenel, and also that of the 28th of January, on the same subject.

If his Excellency expresses a wish to that effect, you will give him copies of both despatches.

No. 33.

My Lord,

Captain Harris to Lord J. Russell.-(Received February 14.)

Berne, February 11, 1860. I HAVE the honour to inclose a copy of the "Journal de Genève,' containing the declarations and signatures of the Municipality and chief inhabitants of Nangy and Archamp, in the Province of Faucigny, in the same sense as those transmitted in my despatch of the 8th instant.