230 NEW POLITICAL ISSUES. CHAPTER XXXIV. 1824-1825. THE ELECTION OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. Break-up of the Republican party - Jackson's nomination The "A. B. Plot "- New England's sentiment for Adams - Pennsylvania's support of Jackson - Crawford and Gallatin The struggle in New York Clay's position - Kremer's charge Adam's election by the House. - It was evident that new political combinations were forming in the United States. Hitherto the politicians had been divided over the questions of protection, the right of Congress to superintend internal Brooks, Some Aspects of the Monroe Doctrine, in Fortnightly Review, vol. lxxvi. (N. S. vol. lxx.), pp. 1013-1026; Edward Stanwood, The Moral Aspects of the Monroe Doctrine, in The Outlook, vol. lxx., pp. 371-374 (1902); Paul S. Reinsch, The Positive Side of the Monroe Doctrine, in The Independent, vol. lv., pp. 9-11; Sir A. E. Miller, The Monroe Doctrine from an English Standpoint, in North American Review, vol. clxxvi., pp. 728-729; Ralph C. Ringwalt, The Monroe Doctrine, in his Briefs on Public Questions (1905); A. Alvarez, The Monroe Doctrine at the Fourth Pan-American Conference (1911); James B. Angell, The European Concert and the Monroe Doctrine, in Harvard Graduates Magazine, vol. xiv., pp. 13-24 (1905); Harold Bolce, The Commercial Side of the Monroe Doctrine; Its Relation to the Pan-American Programme at Rio Janeiro, in Appleton's Magazine, vol. viii., pp. 52-57 (1906); Julius Chambers, The Monroe Doctrine in the Balance (1911); J. Chetwood, Manila or Monroe Doctrine? (1898) and Monroc Doctrine Repeal and Our Next War, in The Arena, vol. xxiii., pp. 247-253; A. B. Hart, The Monroe Doctrine and the Doctrine of Permanent Interest, in American Historical Review, vol. vii., pp. 7791 (1907); Hart, The Monroe Doctrine in its Territorial Extent and Application, in Proceedings of the U. S. Naval Institute, vol. xxii., pp. 753 - matters, etc. But now new issues, new questions, and new points of view presented themselves. Naturally, new leaders came to the fore. That Monroe was unanimously elected in 1820 had no significance, 800 (1906); Is the Monroe Doctrine a Bar to Civilization? By an American Business Man, in North American Review, vol. clxxvi., pp. 518529; Francis B. Loomis, The Position of the United States on the North American Continent - - Some Phases of the Monroe Doctrine, in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. xxii., pp. 1-19 (1903); John Macdowell, South American Republics and the Monroe Doctrine, in The Nineteenth Century and After, vol. liii. pp. 587-598; Daniel Mills, The Monroe Doctrine and the Inter-Oceanic Canal, in Empire Review, vol. ii., pp. 403-414 (1901); John B. Moore, Non-Intervention and the Monroe Doctrine, in Harper's Magazine, vol. cix., pp. 851-869; W. L. Scruggs, British Aggression in Venezuela; or the Monroe Doctrine on Trial (1895); George B. Waldron, Our Dog in the Manger Policy in South America, in Chautauquar Magazine, vol. xxxiv., pp. 469-474; W. H. Webb, The Monroe Doctrine and the Control of the Isthmus Canal (1881); Walter Wellman, Shall the Monroe Doctrine Be Modified? in North American Review, vol. clxxiii., pp. 832-844 (1901); James G. Whiteley, The Monroe Doctrine and the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, in The Forum, vol. xxx., pp. 722-727; D. B. Castillo, The New Monroe Doctrine, in North American Review, vol. clxxx., pp. 592-601. NOMINATION OF JACKSON. alarmed the supporters of the Secretary of War that a delegation visited Calhoun and requested him to become a candidate. Accordingly, after Lowndes' death in November of 1822, the legislature nominated Calhoun.* In January of 1822 the Nashville Gazette broached the subject of Jack son's candidacy and found such a hearty response that he was nominated by the Tennessee General Assembly on July 20, 1822. On November 18, 1822, a caucus of Kentucky legislators assembled at Frankfort and nominated Henry Clay. Jackson appeared to be just the man for the place, for his name was familiar to every voter in the land and his public services had been many and great. But while he was known * Hunt, Life of Calhoun, pp. 48-49; Jenkins, Life of Calhoun, pp. 154-155; Jervey, Robert Y. Hayne, pp. 125-129; Ravenel, William Lowndes, chap. x. Parton, Life of Jackson, vol. iii., p. 18. Ibid, p. 20; Sumner, Life of Jackson, p. 79; Schouler, United States, vol. ii., p. 271; McMaster (vol. v., p. 57) says August. || Sargent, Life of Clay, p. 102; Schurz, Life of Clay, vol. i., p. 228; Clay, Life of Clay, p. 136; Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, p. 80; Niles' Register, vol. xxiii., 7. 245, * 231 far and wide as the greatest soldier in America, he was neither a statesman nor a politician in a National sense. For 32 years he had held office, civil or military; he had been territorial district attorney for Tennessee, member of Congress from the new State, Senator, Supreme Court judge, major-general of militia, major-general in the regular army, conqueror and governor of Florida. He had been known as the political "boss" of his State for some years, but from the time when he resigned the governorship of Florida he took little active interest in politics. It was only his immense popularity which enabled the managers of his campaign to overcome the prejudice favoring nomination by Congressional caucus. Not content with this, however, two judges were persuaded to publish in the newspapers a series of articles attacking the caucus and justifying the propriety of legislative nomination. It seemed certain, too, that the electoral college would fail to elect a President, and that the duty of providing the chief magistrate for the country would fall on the House of Representatives. that case it would be only natural that the members of the House should vote for the man they knew personally rather than for a man they knew only by reputation. An opportunity was then seized upon to put Jackson In Buell, History of Andrew Jackson, vol. ii., p. 155 et seq. See also Schouler, United States, vol. iii., p. 62 et seq. 232 OTHER NOMINATIONS; THE “A. B. PLOT.” in the company of Congressmen, and in December of 1823 he took his seat as one of the Senators from Tennessee.* The nomination of Jackson caused widespread enthusiasm, particularly in the West. Early in January of 1823, at a meeting in Cincinnati, De Witt Clinton was nominated, and almost at the same time (January 3) the members of the Ohio legislature recommended Clay. Jackson was publicly endorsed by numerous mass meetings, such as those at Louisville, Nashville, Pittsburg, and Philadelphia. The supporters of the other candidates were not idle, and during the summer of 1823 the Kentuckians pledged their votes to Clay and the South Carolinians to Calhoun. both South Carolina and North Carolina Calhoun was a great favorite, but in the latter State Crawford had great strength. The legislature of Georgia expressed a preference for Crawford, but only as the regular caucus candidate of the party. On February 14, 1824, a Congressional caucus was held with 66 members present and two absentees represented by proxies. Owing to the small attendance, an attempt was made to adjourn the meeting, but when a motion to this effect had been In *Sumner, Life of Jackson, p. 76; Buell, History of Andrew Jackson, vol. ii., p. 161 et seq.; Parton, Life of Jackson, vol. iii., p. 22. Stanwood, Presidential Elections, pp. 80-81; Niles' Register, vol. xxiii., p. 342. McMaster, vol. v., pp. 58-59; Niles' Register, vol. xxv., p. 167. voted down, 68 votes were cast for the candidate, 64 of which were cast for Crawford, 2 for Adams and 1 each for Jackson and Nathaniel Macon. For the Vice-Presidency Albert Gallatin received 57 votes, while the rest were given to a number of other candidates.* At this time an effort was made to break down Crawford by accusations of malfeasance in office. Some anonymous letters in a Washington newspaper over the initials "A. B." reflected upon Crawford's integrity, but their author was unknown until Ninian Edwards, then on his way to his post as minister to Mexico, on April 6, 1824, wrote a letter to the Speaker of the House avowing the authorship, submitting new matter upon which to base impeachment proceedings against Crawford and asking an investigation. Edwards was brought back to Washington, the investigation was made, and Crawford was exonerated. Hence, the "A. B. Plot," as it was called, failed in its design. † Sumner, Life of Jackson, pp. 85-86; Stanwood, Presidential Elections, p. 83; Schouler, United States, vol. iii., p. 307; Parton, Life of Jackson, vol. iii., pp. 27-28; Niles' Register, vol. XXV., pp. 388-392. Schouler, United States, vol. iii., p. 309. See also Annals of Congress, 17th Congress, 2d session, passim under "Suppression of Public Documents." Edwards' letter of April 6 is in Annals, 18th Congress, 1st session, pp. 2431-2450, and in part in Benton, Abridgment, vol. viii., pp. 37-38. For the investigation see Annals, pp. 2450-2915. See also American State Papers, Finance, vol. v., pp. 1-145; Niles' Register, vol. xxiv., pp. 4-6; and vol. xxvi., pp. 140-149, 181-191, 273-274, 290-295, 302-323. VARIOUS CANDIDATES BEFORE THE PEOPLE. On February 15, 1824, at a mass meeting at Faneuil Hall (Boston), John Quincy Adams was selected to uphold the dignity of the Presidency, and all New England endorsed this nomination.* Ohio nominated Adams while New Jersey chose seven Jack son men and one Crawford man. In the latter State the Convention of delegates, before proceeding to business, adopted a rule that no delegate pledged to support any candidate should be seated; and as this shut out the Adams men, they organized by themselves and framed an Adams ticket. In December of 1823, at a meeting of citizens in Steubenville, Ohio, De Witt Clinton was nominated for the Presidency and Andrew Jackson for the Vice-Presidency. Adams had no following in Pennsylvania, and at a convention held at Harrisburg, on March 4, Jackson was nominated by a vote of 124 to 1, while Calhoun was selected selected for the Vice-Presidency. The sentiment for Jackson in Pennsylvania was still strong, chiefly because of his services in the late war, in the Indian campaign of 1813 and in the Seminole War. * Niles' Register, vol. xxv., pp. 340 et seq., 360. † Ibid., vol. xxv., p. 243. Parton, Life of Jackson, vol. iii., p. 29; Niles' Register, vol. xxvi., pp. 19-20; Sumner, Life of Jackson, p. 87; Schurz, Life of Clay, vol. i., pp. 225-226; Hunt, Life of Calhoun, p. 51; Schouler, United States, vol. iii., p. 311. || Jefferson, however, seems to have been alarmed at the sentiment in favor of Jackson. Writing to Webster, he says: "I feel very much alarmed at the prospect of seeing General Jackson President. He is one of the most unfit men I know of for the place. He has had very little respect 233 Some of the members of the Virginia for laws or constitutions, and is, in fact, an able military chief. His passions are terrible. He has been much tried since I knew him, but he is a dangerous man."- Fletcher Webster, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, vol. i., p. 371. * Hunt, Life of Calhoun, p. 51. 234 THE POLITICAL FEUD IN NEW YORK. Vice-President by the electors, and because Gallatin's elimination might better Crawford's chance of election. Gallatin therefore sent his resignation to Martin Van Buren at Albany and to the Bureau of Correspondence in Virginia, and it was shortly afterward published in the newspapers.* Gallatin might as well never have written his resignation, for when the New York legislature attempted to choose its electors, the supporters of Crawford and Clay broke out into an open quarrel. In 1821 the people of New York had made a new constitution wherein the Council of Appointment was abolished and the suffrage extended by removing the property qualification hitherto required of voters. The politicians then in of fice, under the leadership of Martin Van Buren, organized a new party machine to take the place of the Council of Appointment and to control the State patronage. This machine was called the "Albany Regency." Another consequence of the adoption of the new constitution was the formation of the People's Party, for it was certain that if the Albany Regency were left to itself, it would capture the Legislature in 1824 and secure electors pledged to Crawford. The People's Party demanded that in * Gallatin's Writings, vol. ii., pp. 288-299; Parton, Life of Jackson, vol. iii., p. 31. See also Clay, Private Correspondence, pp. 100-103; Sargent, Public Men and Events, vol. i., p. 57. For Van Buren's services in this convention see Edward M. Shepard, Life of Martin Van Buren, pp. 65-73; Bancroft, Martin Van Buren to the End of his Public Career, pp. 62-109. 1824 the Presidential electors should be chosen by popular vote, and on this demand the election of 1823 turned.* The People's Party elected a number of their candidates to the Legislature, and in January of 1824 a bill was introduced providing for the popular choice of electors. After a long and bitter struggle, the bill was passed in the Assembly, but in the Senate it was defeated on March 10 by a vote of 17 to 14.† Had the Regency stopped here, all might have been well; but before the session closed, they rushed through both Houses a resolution removing De Witt Clinton from the office of canal commissioner. This aroused intense public indignation, which became so great by June 2, 1824, that Governor Joseph C, Yates called a special session of the Legislature for August and urged the passage of the electoral law. When the Legislature convened on August 2, the governor's message was read, precipitating a a violent struggle.§ Crawford's friends contended that nothing had happened to justify an extra session of the legislature; that the governor's proclamation was therefore unconstitutional, and any measures the legislature might enact would be illegal. It was *Sumner, Life of Jackson, p. 86; Niles' Register, vol. xxv., p. 162. Niles' Register, vol. xxvi., pp. 44–45. Ibid, vol. xxvi., pp. 97, 116-117. For details see Shepard, Martin Van Buren, p. 93 et seq. See his proclamation in Niles' Register, vol. xxvi., pp. 243–244. The message is in Niles' Register, vol. xxvi., pp. 372-373. |