We should regret to have our views construed as hostile to the manufacturing interests of this country. Far from it. We would favor them, foster them, encourage them. Not by false hopes, or deceptive measures of protection, but by extending their markets and improving their fabrics. We would commend to them a business of prudence, in preference to one of risk; a permanent business, instead of a fluctuating one; an individual interest in preference to a company interest; and moderate dividends, that shall be uniform, in preference to large dividends, which are occasional.

To no citizen is our country more indebted for enlightened and practical views upon the tariff question than to the present able secretary of the treasury, the Hon. Robert J. Walker. His thoughts have become acts, and his experiments have become the policy of the nation. When we consider with what ability his opponents were arrayed against him, with what influences of rank and wealth they sought to establish an opposite system, we cannot but regard his victory as one of the greatest moral triumphs of the age. What Cobden has done for England, he has done for America. (See Appendix

J J.)

APPENDIX.

A.

DECLARATION OF RIGHTS

OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER 14, 1774.

"WHEREAS, since the close of the last war, the British Parliament, claiming a power of right to bind the people of America by statutes in all cases whatsoever, hath in some acts expressly imposed taxes on them, and in others, under various pretences, but in fact for the purpose of raising a revenue, hath imposed rates and duties payable in these colonies, established a board of commissioners, with unconstitutional powers, and extended the jurisdiction of Courts of Admiralty, not only for collecting the said duties, but for the trial of causes merely arising within the body of a county:

“And whereas, in consequence of other statutes, judges, who before held only estates at will in their offices, have been made dependent on the crown alone for their salaries, and standing armies kept in times of peace; and whereas it has lately been resolved in Parliament, that by force of a statute, made in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth, colonists may be transported to England, and tried there, upon accusations for treasons and misprisions, or concealments, of treasons committed in the colonies, and by a late statute, such trials have been directed in cases therein mentioned:

"And whereas, in the last session of Parliament, three statutes were made; one entitled 'An Act to discontinue, in such manner, and for such time, as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading, or shipping of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town and within the harbor of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America;' another entitled 'An Act for the better regulating the government of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England;' and another entitled 'An Act for

the impartial administration of justice, in the cases of persons questioned for any act done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults, in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England:' And another statute was - then made, for making more effectual provision for the government of the Province of Quebec,' &c. All which statutes are impolitic, unjust, and cruel, as well as unconstitutional, and most dangerous and destructive of American rights:

"And whereas, assemblies have been frequently dissolved, contrary to the rights of the people, when they attempted to deliberate on grievances; and their dutiful, humble, loyal, and reasonable, petitions to the crown for redress have been repeatedly treated with contempt, by his majesty's ministers of state:

"The good people of the several colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, justly alarmed at these arbitrary proceedings of Parliament and administration, have severally elected, constituted, and appointed Deputies to meet and sit in General Congress, in the city of Philadelphia, in order to obtain such establishment, as that their religion, laws, and liberties may not be subverted; whereupon the deputies so appointed being now assembled, in a full and free representation of these colonies, taking into their most serious consideration the best means of attaining the ends aforesaid, do, in the first place, as Englishmen their ancestors in like cases have usually done, for asserting and vindicating their rights and liberties, DECLARE,

“That the inhabitants of the English colonies in North America, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English Constitution, and the several charters or compacts, have the following RIGHTS:

"Resolved, N. C. D.* 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and property; and they have never ceded to any sovereign power whatever a right to dispose of either, without their consent.

"Resolved, N. C. D. 2. That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were, at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities, of free and natural-born subjects, within the realm of England.

*Nemine contradicente, no person opposing, or disagreeing.

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Resolved, N. C. D. 3. That by such emigration, they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost, any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them as their local and other circumstances enable them to exercise and enjoy.

“ Resolved, 4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of all free government, is, a right in the people to participate in their legislative council; and as the English colonists are not represented, and, from their local and other circumstances, cannot properly be represented, in the British Parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity, subject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed; but, from the necessity of the case and a regard to the mutual interests of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British Parliament, as are, bona fide, restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members; excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America, without their consent.

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Resolved, N. C. D. 5. That the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law.

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Resolved, 6. That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes as existed at the time of their colonization; and which they have, by experience, respectively found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances.

"Resolved, N. C. D. 7. That these, his majesty's colonies, are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted and confirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws.

"Resolved, N. C. D. 8. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition the king; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal.

"Resolved, N. C. D. 9. That the keeping a standing army in