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entertainmente & gifts, dismist, a while after he came againe, & 5. more with him, & they brought againe all ye tooles that were stolen away before, and made way for ye coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4. or 5. days after, came with the cheefe of his freinds & other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after frendly entertainment, & some gifts given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now continued this 24. years *) in these terms.†

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to any of their peopl.

2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he should send ye offender, that they might punish him.

3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should doe ye like to his.

4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide him; if any did warr against them, he should aide them.

5. He should send to his neigbours confederats, to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in ye conditions of peace.

6. That when ther men came to them, they should leave their bows & arrows behind them.

After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams, some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto con

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*Bradford is here writing in 1645. Prince, I. 102, quoting the above, observes, "To which I may add, Yea, - ED. 30 years longer, viz. to 1675." An abstract of this treaty is also in Mourt's Relation. The two copies vary in the third and sixth articles. In the third article, in Mourt, the security to the English has reference merely to their tools, that they should be restored if taken away by the Indians; and the sixth article is made reciprocal by the addition of the following: "as we should do our pieces when we come to them." There is an additional clause

in Mourt, which, however, can hardly be considered one of the articles to the treaty, viz.: "Lastly, that doing thus, King James would esteem of him as his friend and ally." - Ed.

The village of Sowams, the residence of Massasoit, was situated upon the spot now occupied by the town of Warren. "The region now constituting Bristol, Barrington, and Warren, in Rhode Island, with parts of Swanzea and Seekonk, in Massachusetts, was called Pokánoket by the Indians, and was the district occupied by the tribe of Wampanoags, under the imme

tiued with them, and was their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them till he dyed. He was a native [58] of this place, & scarce any left alive besids him selfe.* He was caried away with diverce others by one Hunt,† a m'. of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine; but he got away for England, and was entertained by a marchante ‡ in London, & imployed to New-found-land & other parts, & lastly brought hither into these parts by one M. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by S. Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other disignes in these parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, because it is mentioned in a booke set forth Ano: 1622. by yo Presidente & Counsell for New-England,§ that he made ye peace betweene y salvages of these parts & ye English; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had ye benefite. But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him & his men.

diate government of Massasoit, whose dominion, however, extended over nearly all the southeastern part of Massachusetts, from Cape Cod to Narragansett Bay." Fessenden's History of Warren, R. I., being a Supplement to Tustin's Dedication Discourse preached at Warren, 1845.- ED.

* Referring, doubtless, to the destruction of his tribe by the plague, which, by the concurrent testimony of our early writers, spread over nearly the whole of New England, a few years before the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. - ED.

†Thomas Hunt was in company with Captain John Smith in his voyage to New England, in 1614, and was master of the ship that " stayed to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish." After Smith had gone, Hunt "betrayed four and twenty of those poor savages aboard his ship, and most dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind usage of me

and all our men, carried them with him to Malaga, and there for a little private gain sold those silly savages for rials of eight." Smith's Generall Historie, fol. ed., pp. 204, 205. In the Brief Relation of Discovery and Plantation, by the President and Counsell for New England, it is said that Hunt "sold as many as he could get money for. But when it was understood from whence they were brought, the friers of those parts took the rest from them, and kept them to be instructed in the Christian faith." - ED.

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This M. Dermer was hear the same year that these people came, as apears by a relation written by him, & given me by a freind, bearing date June 30. Ano: 1620. And they came in Novemb': following, so ther was but 4. months differance. In which relation to his honored freind, he hath these passages of this very place.

I will first begine (saith he) wth that place from whence Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; wch in Cap: Smiths mape is called Plimoth:* and I would that Plimoth had ye like comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton,† because ther y savages are lese to be feared. The Pocanawkits, which live to ye west of Plimoth, bear an inveterate malice to ye English, and are of more streingth then all ye savags from thence to Penobscote. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their mur

* The name of Captain John Smith will always be honorably associated with our early history. His little tract, entitled A Description of New England, published in 1616, giving an account of his voyage hither two years before, is the first printed book in which the country, previously styled North Virginia, is called NEW ENGLAND. The map which accompanied it, considering the circumstances under which it was made, is remarkable for its accuracy. It is interesting to notice that many of the names which our towns and cities now rejoice in, are given on his map to prominent places on the coast; though but a few of these places have retained them. Plymouth is an exception, for it still bears the name assigned to the place by Smith. We are not told when the Pilgrims formally adopted it. They must have been familiar with Smith's map, and could not long have been ignorant of the fact, that the spot which they had selected for their plantation bore this name. Morton says, "This name of Plymouth was so called, not only for the reason here named, but also because Plymouth in O. E. was the last town they left in

their native country; and for that they received many kindnesses from some Christians there." The place was at an early period called New Plymouth, In William Hilton's letter written from this place, in 1621, it is so styled; and it became the legal designation of the colony.

As their numbers increased, and towns began to spring up within the jurisdiction, the early place of settlement, as a town, was called Plymouth, while the colony or plantation was styled New Plymouth. On some of the later impressions of Smith's map, issued in some of his other works, after the establishment of this colony, the word "New" is engraved over the name Plymouth. See Smith's Description of New England; also his New England's Trials, 2d ed., pp. 15, 16; Rich's Catalogue of Books relating to America, London, 1832, p. 34; Morton's Memorial, p. 25; Plymouth Colony Laws, Brigham's ed., pp. 22-38. - ED.

On some of the later editions of Smith's map, issued possibly in 1631 or 1632, "Charlton" appears on the south side of the River Charles, not far from the mouth. - Ed.

derers & smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts. Whether they were English or no, it may be douted; yet they beleeve they were, for ye Frenche have so possest them; for which cause Squanto cañot deney but they would have kiled me when I was at Namasket,* had he not entreated hard for me. The soyle of ye borders of [59] this great bay, may be compared to most of ye plantations which I have seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts; for Patuxite † is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawsel‡ & Saughtughtett § are for ye most part a blakish & deep mould, much like that wher groweth y best Tobaco in Virginia. In ye botume of y' great bay is store of Codd & basse, or mulett, &c.

But above all he comends Pacanawkite || for yo richest soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, &c.

Massachussets is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, & situate in ye mids betweene both, is full of ilands & peninsules very fertill for y° most parte.

With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, being now better knowne then they were to him.

He was taken prisoner by ye Indeans at Manamoiak¶(a place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave them what they demanded for his liberty, but when they had gott what they desired, they kept him still & indevored to kill his men ; but he was freed by seasing on some of them, and kept them bound till they gave him a cannows load of corne. Of which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778.** But this was An°: 1619.

After y° writing of ye former relation he came to y° Ile of Capawack ++ (which lyes south of this place in y° way to

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Virginia), and ye foresaid Squanto wth him, wher he going a shore amongst ye Indans to trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by them, & all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat; but him selfe gott abord very sore wounded, & they had cut of his head upon ye cudy of his boat, had not ye man reskued him with a sword. And so they got away, & made shift to gett into Virginia, wher he dyed; whether of his wounds or ye diseases of yo cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine.* [60] By all which it may appeare how farr these people were from peace, and with what danger this plantation was begune, save as ye powerfull hand of the Lord did protect them. These things† were partly the reason why they kept aloofe & were so long before they came to the English. An other reason (as after them selvs made know) was how aboute 3. years before, a French-ship was cast away at Cap-Codd, but y men gott ashore, & saved their lives, and much of their victails, & other goods; but after ye Indeans heard of it, they geathered togeather from these parts, and never left watching & dogging them till they got advantage, and kild them all but 3. or 4. which they kept, & sent from one Sachem to another, to make sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of which ye foresaid M'. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;) and they conceived this ship was now come to revenge it.

Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to ye English to make freindship, they gott all the Powachs of yo cuntrie, for 3. days togeather, in a horid and divellish maner to curse & execrate them with their cunjurations, which asembly & service they held in a darke & dismale swampe.

But to returne. The spring now approaching, it pleased

Archer's Relation of Gosnold's Voyage, in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII. 75; Belknap, II. 111–113. ED.

*For a further account of Dermer, who was in the service of Gorges when

he died, see 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., IX. 7-13; Smith's Generall Historie, fol. ed., p. 229; Belknap, I. 361, 362; Purchas, IV. 1778.ED.

Thing in the manuscript. - ED.

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