1 The scales use the numbers 1-7, with 1 comparatively offering the highest level of political or civil rights, and 7 the lowest. A plus or minus following a rating indicates an improvement or decline in the rating since the last survey. A rating marked with a period () has been changed since the last survey due to reevaluation by the author. This does not imply any change in the country. For further information on the scale and survey see "Freedom at Issue." January-February 1973, p. 2ff. 2 A free state is designated by F, a partly free state by PF, and a not-free state by NF. 3 A positive outlook for freedom is indicated by a plus sign, a negative outlook, by a minus, and relative stability of ratings by a zero. The outlook for freedom is based on the problems the country is facing, the way the government and people are reacting to these problems, and the longer run political traditions of the society. A judgment of outlook may also reflect an imminent change, such as the expected adoption of 2 meaningful new constitution. The name of Dahomey has been changed to Benin. Čambodia is now officially Kampachea. [Addendum No. 3] [From: Foreign Broadcast Information Service Daily Report-Aug. 22, 1977] LATIN AMERICA FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE MEXICO Independence Front Established___ M 1 Police Clash With Alleged 23 September League Members---. M 1 M 1 PANAMA Torrijos, Treaty Negotiators Address Corregimiento Assembly- N 1 N 1 CENTRAL AMERICA Costa Rica: La Nacion Editorial Lauds Panama Canal Accord [15 Aug]-- P 1 Police Report 27 Bombs Explode Throughout Country. Guatemala: Journalists Score Young on Freedom of Expression_. Nicaragua: Satisfaction Expressed Over U.S.-Panama Agreement--- Cuba: Foreign Minister Leaves Jamaica for Nigeria--- TORRIJOS, TREATY NEGOTIATORS ADDRESS CORREGIMIENTO ASSEMBLY FOREIGN MINISTER GONZALEZ REVILLA P 1 P 2 P 2 P 2 P 3 Q 1 Q 1 Q 1 Panama City Domestic Service in Spanish 1452 GMT 19 Aug 77 PA. [Speech by Foreign Minister Nicolas Gonzalez Revilla to special session of Assembly of Corregimiento Representatives at Justo Arosemena Palace in Panama City on 19 August-live] [Text.] Your Excellency President of the Republic, Demetrio Basilio Lakas; Your Excellency chief of government, Gen. Omar Torrijos Herrera; Mr. Vice President of the Republic, Gerardo Gonzalez; honorable chairman of the national representatives assembly, Mr. Fernando A. Gonzales; deputy commander in chief of the National Guard and members of the chiefs of staff; ministers and members of the autonomous entities; legislation commissioners; honorable president of the Supreme Court of Justice, Dr. Juan Materno Vasquez; honorable representatives: The agreements reached in the negotiations for a new Panama Canal treaty constitute the culmination of a very important phase in the struggle of the Panamanian people for its liberation from all forms of foreign domination. Created as an independent state in 1903 and recognized by all nations of the world, the Panamanian nation immediately announced that the limitations of the sovereign attributes, imposed by a treaty that placed it in a status of dependence, would have to be eliminated. Only thus would it be possible for its position to be, in fact, equally sovereign among the other nations of the world. From its birth, our nation has struggled relentlessly and continuously to become the master of its own fate. With the contribution, throughout the years, of great Panamanians, whose names must not be mentioned hastily to avoid unfair omissions, we are today in the final stages of a historic battle. Such effort has evidenced that we possess the essential attributes of a true nationthe deep sentiments of freedom and political maturity. The name Panama today is uttered with respect by foreigners and with pride by Panamanians in all corners of the earth. The proud and constant struggle gave a characteristic nature to our liberation efforts. We can proudly and firmly tell our parents and grandparents that we understood their message and that we did the best we could under the circumstances, that we fought tirelessly and based our debate on historic arguments and legal consistency, honoring those who deserved to be honored without questioning their efforts, united in a single team made up of men who were always inspired by their love for their fatherland. We may also tell them with the same pride that we shall turn over to our children a nation which has recovered its territorial integrity, which has rid itself of the colonial enclave, and which is ready to take full advantage of its greatest natural resource. Our chief of government, Gen. Omar Torrijos, promised the coming generaations of Panamanians that this liberating process would firmly establish for them a territory covered from border to border by our national sovereignty. This Sovereignty includes the canal and its adjacent areas which had been cut off from the rest of our territory for 74 years. The objective of this struggle is already in sight. The watchword of our campaign has been total sovereignty. In order, however, to consolidate this sovereignty, it is necessary to rely on the expressed willingness of the peoples on both sides through the respective ratification procedure to be carried out in Panama and the United States. In the case of Panama, it will be done through a national plebiscite as provided by the constitution approved by this assembly. Should we fail to achieve this ratification, we shall be committed to continue our struggle under unpredictable conditions. We are confident there will be sufficient common sense on both sides to realize that an honorable solution has been found which issues a peaceful death certificate to an anachronistic situation that will cease at a fixed date. To continue our information policy on behalf of the Panamanian people, where all sectors have equal value and rights, we offer an exposition of the main points of the agreements reached by the governments of Panama and the United States and which, in our opinion, constitute an effective program of decolonization. Thank you, FIRST ESCOBAR BETHAN COURT SPEECH Panama City Domestic Service in Spanish 1500 GMT 19 Aug 77 PA. [Speech by chief negotiator Romulo Escobar Bethancourt to special session of Assembly of Corregimiento Representatives at Justo Arosemena Palace, Panama City-live] [Text.] Your Excellency, president of the republic; chief of government; president of the Assembly of Corregimiento Representatives; ministers; members of the National Guard General Staff; and representatives: We consider it to be most historic that a detailed report on the negotiations is being submitted to this assembly. It is deeply significant for what you represent. This revolutionary government considers that the republic's new composition, its new political structure, is in actuality linked to the Panamanian people through you, because you come from all sectors of the country. It is precisely you who will have to explain in each of your communities the problem of the negotiations. When the revolutionary government assumed power in 1968, a change took place in its international policy, a change aimed at obtaining for our country those things which needed improvement regarding its sovereignty and jurisdiction. Led by General Torrijos, for the first time in our history a Panamanian government, far from evading, opposing or attacking the Panamanian people in response to their claims of sovereignty and jurisdiction, has done precisely the opposite and has taken hold of the banners which the Panamanian people have been holding high since 1903. The struggle for the full independence of our country and for the recovery of its natural resources has become not only the slogan but also the foundation of the revolutionary government's policy. When this government is assessed by history, when the revolutionary government and General Torrijos are analyzed, the analysis will indicate that this government was basically revolutionary, because it made national liberation the slogan and the motive power of all its administrative, governmental and political activities. A campaign to force the United States to sit at the negotiating table and to arrive at conclusions favorable to and positive for our republic began from this position. But this is another of the great differences between this revolutionary government and our past. General Torrijos understood that a struggle for national liberation carried out at only a bilateral level was a struggle without a future, for the simple reason that it was the struggle of a very small country against the major power in the world. Then he decided, using one of his typical phrases, that the problem of Panama, the canal problem, would not be a real problem until it became a problem of the American continent and of the world. An independent international policy was drafted on this basis. Now, when we are being criticized by certain national sectors or groups, we recall the criticism of those same groups when Panama began its independent international policy. When the general said that each country had the right to its own friends and enemies and that our country's international policy was not going to continue according to the dictates from Washington as was customary, we received strong criticism from domestic sources. During the crisis of the Panamanian ships in Cuba, when the general decided to hold direct contact with Fidel Castro's regime, the persons who bewailed his policy on that occasion are doing the same now regarding the canal. However, now they are not protesting contacts with Cuba because the United States is making such contacts. But when Torrijos did so, they said it was crazy, that it did not make sense, that it was making Panama communists, that the gringos would not tolerate it. We went through all that criticism in this country from those sectors which are now criticizing the treaty draft. General Torrijos remained firm and imperturbable in defense of his policy and in the face of criticism. In a few years history proved him right and tossed into the wastebasket the position of those opposed to his independent policy. This policy continued with the meeting of the U.N. Security Council in this same building. We were strongly criticized on that occasion by local sectors and received threats from the United States and bribe offers from U.S. Government officials. General Torrijos stood firm on that occasion. U.S. colonialist policy was denounced in this same building and all the countries of the world supported us. The United States was forced to veto the resolution. We were told we had done something crazy, but it is these things which have given dignity and strength to our country's presence in the eyes of the world. General Torrijos began a tour to all Latin American countries, and there was more criticism: The country's money is being spent on trips, what is he going to do in those countries? What can those countries do for us? He paid no attention to criticism. He continued meeting with the presidents of all Latin America. This was also a step, a landmark, in strengthening our dignity and our international presence. When President Lakas went to the United Nations, Mexico and Greece, we were also criticized. Those sectors said, what is the government after? However, the visit of our president to those countries informed the world about our cause. When General Torrijos left again for Europe, for Sri Lanka, when our country joined the Organization of Nonalined Countries, as usual the same sectors continued to criticize: What does nonalined mean? What is the importance of Sri Lanka? The general only thinks about traveling. We who have traveled now and in the past can give the following answer: When we were students and traveled, we could not explain when we said we were Panamanians, what Panama was, because no one understood us. In some Latin American countries near ours, people were surprised that we spoke Spanish, because they thought we spoke only English. Now we can tell them that the Panamanian who leaves the country for any part of the world-the American continents, Europe, Asia, Africa, Chinadoes not have to explain any further, once he says he is a Panamanian because everyone treats him with respect and dignity, because he is from a country which during all these years has been struggling against imperialism and for its national liberation. This is what Panamanians owe to this revolution and this man, this general. [Applause.] He gave dignity even to those Panamanians who criticize us. Those reactionary Panamanians are respected abroad, not because they are reactionaries, but because they are Panamanians. Those who call themselves revolutionaries are respected abroad, not because they are true revolutionaries, but because they are Panamanians. Everybody knows where Panama is, what language is spoken here and is familiar with Panama's struggle. This is the reason for our pride in 8 years of revolution. We have rescued our country from the world's indifference and ignominy and acquired regional and international dignity. [Applause.] The negotiations had a difficult beginning. As to those who say that we have not obtained enough, we would like to have seen them sit down 4 or 5 years ago at the table in the Pentagon or the U.S. State Department and ask for Ancon Hill. We were almost beaten for asking for that little hill. The negotiations were not initiated by this revolution; they began with those who died in 1964. These negotiations were generated by their corpses and blood. It began slowly, painfully and with ridicule directed toward our country by the OAS, the U.S. State Department, the Pentagon and the President of the United States. Waging a hard struggle, Panamanian men who participated in negotiations before we did brought their maximum efforts to some projects which came to an end in 1967. It was the most that the period, our country's situation and the inernational situation permitted. The revolution emerged, projects were studied, but despite some positive aspects, we still did not penetrate to the root of the problem-the liquidation of the Canal Zone and of the perpetuity idea. For that reason these talks were rejected and other negotiations were begun, also slow and painful. You will ask, why negotiations? The general himself has said that this is not the only way. There are other paths-armed struggle, terrorism and sabotage. We all know this. But we also know the social price we have to pay-the immo lation of the people, of youth. We know what it means in destruction, pain and death. A governor who considers himself responsible avoids those paths as much as he can. A responsible leader does not send his people to sacrifice themselves, does not see his people abused, tortured and massacred. Instead, he seeks all possible alternatives to avoid such a situation, not because of fear-because when there has been no other alternative we have decided on that course-but because of a sense of responsibility. When you are governing a country, you seek the paths for its political, economic and cultural development. If development can be achieved through an intelligent stance and tactics based on patience, an intelligent and prudent leader prefers this road, despite his impatience and knowledge that other roads may be faster. One of those men is General Torrijos. We have been with him all these years and witnessed his patience. He has a military training different from ours. Therefore, he should be more inclined to use arms to try to solve problems, but constantly he urged us: Let us have negotiations by all means; let us develop our capacity for tolerance, because I do not want to have on my conscience the death of our youth. This he reiterated in his declaration: We have concluded this treaty in order not to sacrifice 50,000 youths. Nevertheless, there are people who are criticizing the negotiations. We can say that there is more opposition in the United States than here. We do not even know whether the U.S. Congress will approve these treaties or not. If they do not, this country will take another course. This country will take a course of violence. And when this country takes that route, all those individuals who are in their offices writing on whether neutrality is good are going to have to take off their ties and come out. We are going to make sure that they do not remain in hiding. [Applause.] Today we are going to carry out the following program: Royo will deliver a report and an analysis to this assembly on certain aspects of the treaty, specificaally on the problem of duration, jurisdiction, operation of the canal and employment policy. Later on, Minister Ahumada is going to explain the armed forces statute which has been negotiated between Panama and the United States as part of the treaty and the problem of the defense of the canal. Nicolas Ardito Barletta, planning and economic policy minister, will analyze the economic aspects of the treaty. Edwin Fabrega will give you a detailed explanation of the lands and waters problems. Later, we will again explain the neutrality issue and the option for a new sea-level canal. Finally, General Torrijos will speak, and in the afternoon we will be back to answer all your questions. SPEECH BY PLANNING MINISTER BARLETTA Panama City Domestic Service in Spanish 1523 GMT 19 Aug., 77 PA. [Speech by Panamanian Plannning and Economic Policy Minister Nicolas Ardito Barletta to Assembly of Corregimiento Representatives of Justo Arosemena Palace in Panama City on 19 August-live] [Excerpt] Gentleman representatives, colleagues, ladies and gentleman: It is my duty to inform you about the economic aspects of these negotiations, aspects which are fully as important as the others because at this stage we are all convinced of the necessity that a strong national economy must be the basis for obtaining and fully implementing our freedom of action. They are important also because the real valorization of our geographical position as a natural resource was at stake as well as Panama's obtaining of revenue equal to the value of that geographical position. This means, as a result, the real possibility of accelerating Panama's general development and providing an answer to the important needs of our people in this process. In other words, it would be one thing to have dignity and sovereignty with hunger and quite another to have and to consolidate the dignity and the sovereignty with the integral development of our people. And this has been our aim through the economic aspect of these negotiations in attempting to consolidate the value of our geographical position and the resources and revenue which respond to it so as to use it in our development. The agreements reached in this aspect are as follows: An average income of $80 million per year, I repeat, average, for the next 23 years; that is, a total of $1.8 billion in the 23 years. The majority of this income is subject to a clause of inflationary correction so that the annuity consistently maintains its purchasing value, based on the year 1977. The income for the first year is estimated to be $65 million. By the end of the treaty, the amount will reach approximately $100 |