DECEMBER, 1811. Additional Military Force. the national character. Besides, there is no reason to believe it would have the proposed effect; it would only waste unnecessarily your resources, without producing the least public advantage. There are some of your own citizens who pretend to believe you are not seriously determined to prosecute the avowed objects of your preparations; and the British Government, as usual, may probably take its tone from theirs. The use you make of your troops, as well as the decision and energy with which you act, and not the number you raise, will best prove your sincerity, and will alone probably convince that nation that you are not only in earnest in your preparations, but that you know and will maintain your rights; and that you feel your wrongs, and will avenge them. With regard to the forces Great Britain has in Canada, said Mr. C., there is no reason to believe, as already stated, the regular troops there exceed six thousand, or that there could be more than ten thousand militia brought into actual service. Suppose, however, the statement of the gentleman correct, would not double the number of your regular troops be sufficient, under all supposable disadvantages, to oppose the seven thousand British troops? And could not your volunteers successfully encounter Canadian militia? No one, it is presumed, would be willing to deny this. Upon what solid ground, then, can it be contended that twenty-five thousand regular troops would be necessary for that service? But the honorable gentleman says he has not much confidence in volunteers; that they will melt away like a ball of snow, &c. This doctrine, said Mr. C., is, as has been already stated, of modern date among those professing to be Republicans; it was once considered rank Federal doctrine, which gave alarm to the friends of liberty, and contributed in a great degree to destroy their confidence in those avowing it. The militia have always been considered, by the most distinguished advocates of sound principles, the bulwark of our liberties, and, on emergencies, the guardians of our rights. Volunteers are the better sort of militia, and at least equally to be relied upon; they have, on many occasions during the Revolution, distinguished themselves by their patriotism and bravery. Why should we now place no confidence in them, or insinuate they would desert their posts? Will they not serve out the time for which they may engage; and cannot then their places, if necessary, be supplied by others? Mr. C. said, it was difficult to perceive how some of the arguments adduced by the honorable member could be reconciled; for, at the same time that he insists upon increasing your expenditures much beyond what he states to be the views of the Government, he gives you to understand that the person who has the direction of your revenue is not well qualified to provide the means necessary to meet such expenditures. If this be the case, it would seem a strong argument for circumscribing your expenses as much as practicable. He told you the Secretary of the Treasury had the reputation of possessing great finan SENATE. cial talents; but he inquired what evidence he had ever given of a capacity to devise ways and means to bring money into the Treasury, and said he believed none; and added, that his (the Secretary's) talents had induced us to get rid of the direct tax, and of the salt tax, &c. The financial talents of the gentleman at the head of the Treasury Department are too well known, said Mr. C., to be made at this time the subject of investigation, or require new proofs to support them. Every man, in any tolerable degree conversant with the proceedings of your Government for the last fifteen or twenty years, must possess sufficient data to enable him to form an opinion for himself on this subject. He must, however, be permitted to declare, Mr. C. said, this was the first time he had heard the talents or financial capacity of that officer, since he came into the Government, brought into question by any gentleman of known standing and information. The sources from which your revenue must arise, are in their nature neither numerous nor very complex, and must be obvious to most, if not all men of any tolerable information. Duties on importations, and the proceeds of your public lands, constitute the sources on which you must principally rely, unless you resort to internal taxation, which the course pursued by gentlemen will probably require. The Secretary had no power to draw money from any other sources than those provided by law. He could not create new sources of revenue; he could recommend the imposition of new taxes, in order to bring money into the Treasury; but the extent of your expenditures hitherto, it appears, did not require it; and Mr. C. said he sincerely wished, as did, he believed, the great majority of the nation, that this might long be the case-that there might be no call for the exertion of his great financial talents to invent new modes of squeezing money out of the people's pockets without their being sensible of it, to replenish your exhausted Treasury; for, whatever may be the nature of taxes, they must be ultimately paid by the people; and the inquiry can only be with regard to the mode in which they may be induced most willingly to make the required contributions. This is the art that would, above all others, answer the gentleman's idea of great financial capacity-that is, the capacity to bring money into the Treasury. But it is believed that the only opportunities afforded that officer, according to our present fiscal arrangements, of exercising financial capacity, consist in skilfully conducting the collection of the revenue from the sources created or established by law, and managing it afterwards with correctness and economy to meet the public demands; and those important duties, it seems admitted, have been satisfactorily performed; for the gentleman says, that that officer has annually made you very lucid reports on your finances, showing the receipts and expenditures, &c. In relation to the repeal of taxes ascribed to the Secretary of the Treasury, the honorable gentleman must have labored under a mistake. He stated, the repeal of the direct tax; he probably SENATE, Additional Military Force. December, 1811. it was understood to be the opinion of the Executive, that war ought then immediately to succeed, and substitute the embargo. The nation then would have been prepared for the event; its forbearance would have been sufficiently evinced; it would have possessed all its own resources unimpaired, and had also within its power more than twenty millions of the property and treasures belonging to one of its expected enemies, which might justly be made to contribute to support the meant of the indirect taxes; the former was imposed for a year only, and the law expired before that officer came into the Government; the indirect taxes were repealed afterwards; and though from the information he, Mr. C., had obtained on the subject, that officer had no agency whatever in such repeal, he believed the measure was very generally approved of by the Republicans through out the Union. He could speak with more certainty relative to the repeal of the salt tax, being then a member of the other House, and in a situ-war that should be thus forced upon us. The ation that made it his particular duty to attend to that subject; and it was then distinctly understood, the Secretary of the Treasury did not approve of the measure, (as will sufficiently appear from his official reports;) that he considered that tax not an oppressive one. at the same time that it was productive and collected without any extraordinary expense; the Executive, however, recommended the repeal of it, and after several unsuccessful attempts, the measure at length sueceeded. The Secretary of the Treasury cannot, therefore, be considered in any respect whatever responsible for the repeal of those taxes; and it must appear very extraordinary that, after a great majority of the nation has so long unequivocally approved that measure, it should now be brought forward as evidence of the incapacity or misconduct of that officer. The honorable gentleman says, the inexecution of the embargo produced its repeal, &c. ; and that this was occasioned by the Executive refusing to accept the means offered him by Congress to enforce the execution of it; and strongly insinuates all this was produced by the influence of the Treasury Department, through the Executive. The repeal of the embargo, Mr. C. said, was a subject on which he did not wish to enter. It was always to him the most unpleasant that could present itself. It had at the time met with all the feeble resistance that was then in his power (weak as his state of health was) to oppose to it. He considered it a measure which not only damped, but chilled the spirit of the nation, and impressed a stain on its character, to wash out which would probably require much of its best blood. It was not, however, the inexecution of the embargo that occasioned its repeal, nor was it the influence of the Treasury or Executive Departments. It was the fatal panic with which certain members in both Houses were seized, in consequence of the clamorous threats of the opposition in certain quarters of the Union, that produced that effect. The plan of the Executive undoubtedly was, (as he understood it from himself at the time,) to continue and enforce the embargo, combined with the non-intercourse, until the extraordinary session proposed to be held in the following May; which would give time for that measure to have its full effect on the belligerents; would add but little to the pressure felt by our own eitizens, and would afford all the chances of avoiding war, arising from the probability of those Powers being induced to rescind their unjust edicts, and again respect neutral rights. Should this favorable change in their conduct, however, not take place, spirit of the nation was not only unbroken and firm, but rising with the growing danger of the crisis, and its character stood high at home and abroad; but the fatal proposition to repeal the embargo, like a demon, or the evil genius of the nation, presenting itself, paralyzed, as if by enchantment, the best concerted measures, and dissipated all those fair prospects. It always appeared to him, Mr. C. said, as placing the National Legislature (he would not say the nation) in the same situation that the unwarrantable desertion of his post, in the day of danger, would place an individual. He had often been surprised at the numerous attempts made, in and out of Congress, by some of those very persons who voted for the repeal of the embargo, to charge unjustly, in his opinion, the whole responsibility of that measure on the Administration. But he could not comprehend upon what ground the honorable gentleman from Virginia, who himself introduced and supported the measure, could at this day expect to transfer the odium of it to the Executive and Treasury Department. The members of the National Legislature are undoubtedly accountable to the people for the laws passed by their votes; and it must be with a very bad grace they ascribe their enactment to the influence of others. The honorable gentleman informed you, he proposed to issue letters of marque and reprisal as a substitute for the embargo, as being in his opinion better calculated than that measure to maintain the honor and promote the interests of the nation, &c. Mr. C. said, he understood the provision alluded to, in a sense very different from that stated by the gentleman. Its true meaning would, however, be best understood by recurring to the provision itself. It is found in the 11th section of the nonintercourse bill, as passed by the Senate in 1809, in the following words: "That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is authorized, in case either France or Great Britain shall so revoke or modify her edicts, as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States, to declare the same by proc'lamation, after which the trade of the United 'States suspended by this act, and by the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, may be renewed with the nation so doing, and to cause to be issued, under suitable pledges and precau tions, letters of marque and reprisal against the nation thereafter continuing in force its unlaw'ful edicts against the commerce of the United 6 6 DECEMBER, 1811. Additional Military Force. SENATE. States." The latter part is the provision allu- petty effort, of the most stupid kind, to censure, Among the many extraordinary materials pressed into this discussion, was a paragraph from a news paper published in Quebec, read by the gentleman, it is presumed as a part of his speech. This was not a comment on the President's Message, (as it was stated by the gentleman to be,) but a tion of the people of this country, much greater than their population or means could be supposed equal to resist. The question, then, with the American people, was not what force would be necessary to bring into service, but what force the exertion of their utmost energies could oppose to their powerful enemy. Such is not the question at this time; no one denies the ability of the nation to bring into actual service, and also provide for their support, if the occasion required it, not only thirty-five thousand, but one hundred thousand men. Seven millions of people, with the pecuniary resources of this country properly managed, could not be really oppressed by the employment and support of one hundred thousand men for such term as it is reasonable to suppose the war would continue. But the question now ought to be, what number of troops, and of what description, is requisite to accomplish, in due time, and with sufficient certainty, the objects you have in view, and SENATE. Additional Military Force. DECEMBER, 1811. three millions, annually, remains now at the disposal of the Government, may be applied to the support of the war, in case of such event, and will therefore certainly diminish, by that amount, the revenue to be annually raised from the people; would they not therefore be sensible of this, and consider it a benefit? But it seems the increase of the public debt is not matter of much importance to the nation! If it is not, said Mr. C., what is important to the nation? Are the people to be told, that to augment the public debt, which they and their successors are solemnly pledged to reasimburse, which is an encumbrance to its full extent on their estates and possessions of every kind, is in itself of so little consequence as not to be considered of much importance to the nation? Upon the same principle the gentleman might say, that to impose new taxes on the people, to increase their burdens from time to time, until they groaned under the pressure, would not be matter of such importance to the nation. Is the old maxim, formerly ascribed to the opposition, that a public debt is a public blessing," and once so much and so justly reprobated, now again brought forward and supported by professed Republicans? This has always been considered the rankest doctrine of high-toned leaders in Federal times, and cannot fail to awaken the public mind to investigate the views of those who advocate it. On motion, by Mr. LEIB, it was agreed that the question for striking out be taken by yeas and nays; and, on motion by Mr. CAMPBELL, of Tennessee, the Senate adjourned. would at the same time occasion the least public inconvenience, and produce the least pecuniary pressure on the people. To determine this correctly, you must regulate the number and description of troops you call into service, by the amount and kind of force to be resisted or subdued, and not by the capacity of the nation. There is no ground to believe, from the gentleman's own statement, the force to be opposed is so great as to require the utmost exertions of the nation. We have not, therefore, said Mr. C., come to the maximum of our capacity; nor does an occasion exist that requires a force to be raised as great our capacity would enable us. It would be the worst policy we could pursue, and prove most injurious to the nation, to call into actual service, at the commencement of a war, a force so greatly beyond what the occasion demanded, and thereby waste your strength and exhaust your resources before the crisis arrived that might require the exertion all your energies. It would seem, said Mr. C., as if gentlemen conceived they evinced their patriotism by the number of regular troops" for which they voted; nothing could, however, be more fallacious, nor would the public be deceived by such a delusion. It was as easy to vote for 100,000 men as for 10,000; but the people must at last furnish both the soldiers and the means to support them, and the nation will be able to determine by the conduct and votes of gentlemen, on the ulterior measures that may come before you, whether the advocates for so large a regular force as that contained in the bill, or those who support the present motion, being disposed to provide such forces and of such descriptions only as in their opinion, as well as that of the Government, would be sufficient to meet the present emergency, and could be most usefully employed, are most in earnest on this subject, and will ultimately prove most firm and decided in supporting the rights and honor of their country. Among the strange doctrines lately advanced, A message from the House of Representatives one is introduced on this occasion by the honor-informed the Senate that the House recede from able gentleman, that will not a little surprise the people of America, and that is, that the accumulation of public debt is of no great importance to the nation. The gentleman asked if any one felt any benefit from the payment of fifty millions of the public debt? And observed, to use his own words, "the increase of the public debt is no great bugbear," &c. The advantages arising from extinguishing the public debt, said Mr. C., cannot well be mistaken, and must be felt by every mem-nays 21, as follows: ber of society capable of feeling the pressure of public taxes. By the extinguishment of fifty millions of your public debt, which has been effected by the operations of your Treasury Department, the nation is relieved from the payment of at least three millions of interest annually-a sum more than the proceeds of all the internal taxes-the repeal of which has been so much re-lor, Turner, and Varnum. gretted by the honorable gentleman. Your finances are therefore rendered as productive by the extinction of that amount of debt, without those internal taxes, as they would be with them had such debt continued unpaid; and this sum of THURSDAY, December 19. The PRESIDENT communicated a resolution of the Legislature of the State of Vermont, confirming, on the part of the State, the resolution for an amendment to the Constitution respecting titles of nobility; which was read. their disagreement to the amendments of the Senate to the bill, entitled "An act for the apportionment of Representatives among the several States, according to the third enumeration." The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill to raise, for a limited time, an additional military force; and the motion made the 17th inst., to strike out the word "ten," section one, line three, was determined in the negative-yeas 12, YEAS-Messrs. Anderson, Bradley, Brent, Campbell of Ohio, Campbell of Tennessee, Condit, Crawford, Cutts, Franklin, Lambert, Smith of New York, and Worthington. NAY-Messrs. Bayard, Bibb, Dana, Gaillard, German, Giles, Gilman, Goodrich, Gregg, Horsey, Howell, Hunter, Leib, Lloyd, Pope, Reed, Robinson, Tait, Tay On the question, Shall this bill be engrossed and read a third time as amended? it was determined in the affirmative. The Senate resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the bill appropriating a sum of money for procuring munitions of war; and. on the ques- Representatives of the United States: I lay before Congress two letters received from Governor Harrison, of the Indiana Territory, reporting the particulars and the issue of the expedition under his command, of which notice was taken in my communication of November 5th. SENATE. postpone the further consideration thereof until Monday next. Mr. GILMAN, from the committee, also reported the bill for the establishment of a quartermaster's department, correctly engrossed; and the bill was read the third time. On motion, it was agreed to postpone the further consideration of this bill until Monday next. The Senate resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the bill authorizing the President of the United States to raise certain companies of spies or rangers, for the protection of the frontier of the United States; and the bill was amended; and the President reported it to the House accordingly. On the question, Shall this bill be engrossed and read a third time as amended? it was determined in the affirmative. The Senate resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the bill extending the time of certain patents granted to Robert Fulton; and, on motion, While it is deeply lamented that so many valuable lives have been lost in the action which took place on the 7th ultimo, Congress will see, with satisfaction, the dauntless spirit and fortitude victoriously displayed by every description of the troops engaged, as well as the collected firmness which distinguished their command-by er, on an occasion requiring the utmost exertions of valor and discipline. It may reasonably be expected that the good effects of this critical defeat and dispersion of a combination of savages, which appears to have been spreading to a greater extent, will be experienced not only in a cessation of the murders and depredations committed on our frontier, but in the prevention of any hostile incursions otherwise to have been apprehended. The families of those brave and patriotic citizens who have fallen in this severe conflict, will, doubtless, engage the favorable attention of Congress. JAMES MADISON. WASHINGTON, Dec. 18, 1811. The Message and letters referred to were read, and ordered to lie on the table. FRIDAY, December 20. Mr. GERMAN, it was agreed to postpone the further consideration thereof until Monday next. Mr. WORTHINGTON presented the petition of Submit R. Strong, widow of Major Elijah Strong, late of the Army of the United States, on behalf of herself and three infant children; stating that her husband, while in the service of the United States, died of a malignant fever, leaving her and his children in very indigent circumstances; and praying that the half-pay, or pension, that would have been allowed the representatives of the deceased, had he died by a wound or wounds, received in actual service, may be extended to her, for reasons stated at large in the petition; which was read, and ordered to lie on the table. Mr. W., also, presented the petition of Amos Spafford, stating that he hath improved a certain portion of the public land near the foot of the rapids, on the south side of the Miami, and praying that a law may be passed permitting him to locate a quarter section of land, covering his immil-provements, at the price of other public lands, when exposed to sale; for reasons stated at large in the petition. Mr. GILMAN, from the committee, reported the bill to raise, for a limited time, an additional itary force, correctly engrossed; and the bill was read the third time, and the blanks filled. On the question. Shall this bill pass? it was determined in the affirmative-yeas 26, nays 4, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Anderson, Bibb, Bradley, Campbell of Ohio, Campbell of Tennessee, Condit, Crawford, Cutts, Franklin, Gaillard, German, Gilman, Gregg, Horsey, Howell, Leib, Lloyd, Pope, Reed, Robinson, Smith of New York, Tait, Taylor, Turner, Varnum, and Worthington. NAYS-Messrs. Dana, Goodrich, Hunter, and Lam bert. On motion, by Mr. CRAWFORD, it was agreed to amend the title of the bill, by striking out the words "for a limited time." So it was Resolved, That this bill pass, and that the title thereof be "An act to raise an additional military force." Mr. GILMAN, from the committee, reported the bill appropriating a sum of money for procuring munitions of war, correctly engrossed; and the bill was read the third time. On motion, by Mr. CRAWFORD, it was agreed to Mr. W., also, presented the petition of Lewis Bond and others, residing on the Miami river, praying that they may be confirmed in their possessions of certain lands therein mentioned, for reasons stated at large in the petition; and the petitions were severally read. Ordered, That they be severally referred to the committee appointed the 14th of November, to inquire if any, and, if any, what, further provisions or alterations are necessary for the distribution of the public lands of the United States, to consider and report thereon by bill or otherwise. MONDAY, December 23. Mr. CONDIT presented the petition of Abram Ogden, of Elizabethtown, in the State of New Jersey, stating that he hath constructed a boat, to be propelled by steam, at a considerable expense, and praying that the bill pending in the Senate on this subject may not pass, for reasons stated at |