to the undertakers of some five hundred and fifty pounds. But they were, nevertheless, received with open arms and loving hearts; houses were assigned to them, and lands prepared; and they were supported by the Plymouth brethren until they could reap a harvest from their own labor: altogether costing "little less than the former sum," five hundred and fifty pounds."

* Bradford, 247-50. Prince, under date of August 29th, 1629, says: Thirty-five of our friends, with their families, from Leyden, arrived at New Plymouth." But Bradford says, "thirty-five persons were shipped in May, and arrived here about August” [1629]. - Pp. 247-48, and notes. And in his Letter Book, the Governor says: "I will now come to the year 1629. This year we had divers of our friends of Leyden come to us, as had long been desired, both of them and us. These persons were in all thirty-five."

- Mass. Hist. Coll., 1st Series, vol. 111. pp. 65, 66, and 69. Hubbard says, "thirty-five persons." — Hist. N. E. p. 69. Many of these Leyden people must have been in quite destitute circumstances, for the "Undertakers" had to pay a bill in London, for 125 yards of kersey and other cloth, 127 ells of linen cloth, and 65 pairs of shoes, for their outfit. Of one company, Bradford says: "Besides victuals and other expenses, they were all newly apparelled." -Ut sup. The number of the second company is not given; though Bradford says, "this company were fewer in number" than the first; but being "the weakest and poorest, without any of note, their charge came to a hundred pounds more. *** Yet they were such as feared God, and were thus both welcome and useful, for the most part." — Bradford, 247–48, and Letter Book, ut sup. Dr. Thacher (Hist. Plymouth, p. 72) says, this company was "about sixty in number." But he gives no authority for the assertion; and I have not been able to find any. Bradford does not give the number; but says, it was "fewer in number" than the first company; and if so, then it could not have been what Thacher gives; unless Prince's account be taken in preference to Bradford's, and the first company be understood as composed of

Thus were all the temporal affairs of the colony wisely and energetically arranged and managed And God prospered, and established, and blessed this Christian commonwealth; and made its founders something more than mere "stepping-stones" to others into this new land of promise. He made the Christian enterprise of these once despised English Separatists memorable in the annals of the world, and gave them a name and a fame which are likely to endure while the world shall stand.

thirty-five families. But then, thirty-five families, reckoning only three persons to a family, would be equal to 105 persons; add 65, and we have 170 persons; a number considerably larger than the whole number left at Leyden in 1620, and nearly as large as the entire population of Plymouth in 1625, which was only 180; and which, in 1627, had rather diminished than increased. See Baylies' Memoir, 1. 257-65. But we know that all the Leyden people were not brought over; and it is quite apparent, that the sudden addition to the colony of 170 helpless men, women, and children, would have well-nigh ruined the whole enterprise.

In giving the cost of these Leyden people to the undertakers and the colony, I have understood Bradford to give the expense of the two companies together, when he says, "their charge came to above £550." But his account is rather confused and unintelligible. Prince (p. 272) understood him to refer to the last company; but Bradford's language does not seem to me to authorize such an understanding; for after speaking of both companies, he says: "Their charge, as Mr. Allerton brought in afterwards an account, came to above £550," etc. - See Bradford, 247-48, and

notes.

APPENDIX.

NOTE A, TO PAGE 12.

THE FIRST SEPARATE CHURCHES IN ENGLAND.

Collier says: "This was the first gathering of churches, the first schism which appeared in England." - Ecc. Hist. VII. 2. And Mr. Hopkins, referring to Collier and others for authority, says: "This was the first gathering of churches, the first systematic defection from the Reformed Church of England."- Hist. Pur. vol. 11. p. 298. But in a note he quotes from a letter of Grindal, who writes to Bullinger, June 11th, 1568: "Our controversy concerning the habits broke out again last winter. Some London citizens of the lowest order, together with four or five ministers remarkable neither for their judgment nor learning, were openly separated from us, have held their meetings, and administered the sacraments. Besides this, they have ordained ministers, elders, and deacons, after their own way, and have even excommunicated some who had seceded from their church." "This," adds Mr. Hopkins, "was a distinct church organization; " not the "Plumber's Hall" company, for they were in prison during the winter of 1567-68, (ante, vol. 11. pp. 454-58,) "but a more radical sect, of whom Bonham and Crane were leaders." Now, though this organization may have been "ephemeral," yet it proves that there was at least one independent church in London, openly separated from the established church, some fifteen years before this time. And what is called the Plumber's Hall "assembly merely," seems to me also to have possessed the essential peculiarities of a Christian church. It was a company of Christian men and women, separated from all other communions, and united together by a common sentiment and faith, who

habitually assembled together for the worship of God and the celebration of Christian ordinances. And this was formed as early as 1567. — Brook's Puritans, L 133-49; ante, 1. 455-61.

Since writing the above, and in confirmation of the views expressed, I have met with Mr. Waddington's account of the congregation in Plumber's Hall. The original documents which he quotes, recently brought to light, prove conclusively that this was a regularly organized Separate, or Congregational church. Grindal charged them with setting up separate assemblies for prayer, preaching, and administering the sacrament. After two years spent in jail, the brethren reörganized their church, by the choice of Rev. Richard Fitz as pastor, Thomas Bowland, deacon, and John Bolton, ruling elder. - Brook, 111. 503; Ainsworth's Counterpoyson, 23, 92. This was previous to 1571. In a paper signed by Mr. Fitz, entitled, "The True Marks of Christ's Church," this body is called "the privy church in London"; and the end of their organization is avowed to be, to enjoy "the pure, unmingled, and sincere worship of God, according to his blessed and glorious word in all things, only abolishing and abhorring all traditions and inventions of man whatsoever, in the same religion and service of our Lord God." - Hidden Church, 17. And in a paper signed by twenty-seven members of this church in 1571, they say: "According to the saying of the Almighty, our God - Matt. xviii. 20 - Wherever two or three are gathered in my name, there am I'; so we, a poor congregation whom God hath separated from the churches of England, and from the mingled and false worship therein used, do serve the Lord every Sabbath day in houses, and on the fourth day in the week we meet, or come together weekly, to use prayer, and exercise discipline on them as deserve it, by the strength and sure warrant of the Lord our God's word, as in Matt. xviii. 15-18; 2 Cor. 5th chap."- Hidden Church, pp. 14-18.

NOTE B, TO PAGE 39.

TYLER, COPPING AND THACKER.

It is not easy to reconcile the confused, fragmentary accounts given by Neal, Strype and others, of Tyler, Copping and Thacker.

Mr. Neal (1. 380) says: "The heads of the Brownists were Mr. Browne himself and his companion, Mr. Harrison, together with Mr. Tyler, Copping, Thacker, and others, who were now in prison for spreading his books, the two last being afterwards put to death for it." What is meant by "now" does not appear very clearly from the context. On page 371, Neal gives a date, "Jan. 10th 1580"; and on page 382, he gives another, "1582"; but between these he relates matters which occurred all along between 1580 and 1589; and gives the date of the publication of Browne's book which he says these men were imprisoned for "spreading" as 1582. - Vol. 1. p. 377. Strype's account seems to have been followed by Neal. - Annals, vol. 11. pt. II. p. 186. See also Brook, article "Copping"; Hopkins, 11. 282, 316-18.

Copping and Tyler, we are told by Strype, were imprisoned at Bury, as early as 1576; and that Copping remained in prison until his execution, in 1583; and Tyler, until 1581 at least; and though we are not told the date of Thacker's imprisonment, yet Neal evidently places it previous to 1582, the time when Browne's book was published, for dispersing which all three are represented to have been imprisoned, and two of them executed. It is quite clear that they could not have "dispersed" this book before it was published; and consequently, could not have been imprisoned for what it was impossible for them to have done. And it is nearly as unreasonable to suppose that they could have dispersed Browne's books from their prison, and thus aggravated their guilt of nonconformity. The only explanation which occurs to me, is, that Thacker alone was concerned in circulating Browne's book, and was not imprisoned until after its publication; and that his act is carelessly attributed to the three prison companions, whose faith was the same; or, that some earlier publication of Browne's than the Middleburgh one was the book circulated by them.

Davids (Annals of Evangelical Nonconformity in the County of Essex, etc. London, 1863,) says: "In 1576 John Coppin had been committed to prison at Bury St. Edmund's, for his disobedience to ecclesiastical laws, and had then, or shortly afterwards, found his companions in trouble, Elias Thacker and Thomas Gibson. These three good men were all of them Congregationalists. After long imprisonment, they were arraigned at the assizes held in Bury in the month of July, 1583, when they were condemned to die, not on the charge of treason, but only on that of dispersing