the law, on the citizens, proprietors of villages, and the nobility. In noticing it, I command immediately to employ the severest measures for the literal execution of his Highness's Ukase, directing in particular your attention and surveillance on the clerks and servants of the bureaux, no less than on all other persons placed under your authority, and that all may know the severe and irrevocable responsibility to the Ukase. You are to inform me immediately of all those who might already have spread false news, or absurd doctrines, or have manifested political opinions, or, in general, whose conduct may not be altogether prudent and suitable; and let your report be accompanied by an annex of incontestible facts and sufficient evidence, that I may inform his Highness of it, with the view of fixing the kind of punishment and effecting its execution.

Would not the most tyrannical Pacha of Turkey blush at seeing such a document as this? It speaks for itself; we abstain from all comment on it. We only allow ourselves to add, that the consequences arising out of the recent Ukase issued for the Georgian districts will ultimately prove as disastrous and deplorable as they have proved to the Polish patriots. The Imperial Order needs only to be as extended to be equally mischievous, and this it can be to any extent when once issued as it has been. Pursuant to a clause, by which General Rosen is permitted to bring whomsoever he thinks requisite before a Court Martial, he is permitted every thing, and to execute his decrees by the bayonets of his corps, if he can.

We conclude by repeating, that the adoption of measures of rigour in Georgia similar to those which have been acted upon in Poland, is not in the least consistent with that state of tranquillity and order, which the "Frankfort Journal"

is anxious to make the world believe to prevail at the Cau

casus.

The Nomadic tribes of the Tartars appear to have united and made common cause with the Tcherkesses against their Russian oppressors.

THE DIET OF WURTEMBURG.

Stuttgardt, 29th July, 1836.

The session of the Diet of Wurtemburg, of January to July 1836, has been principally distinguished by the struggle against the Upper Chamber, (Standesherren Kammer) a struggle in which the Deputies were supported by the government, and which tended to authorize the abolition of the payment of many ancient feudal charges. This discussion was the more difficult of solution, as the constitution only allows to a certain extent the government of Wurtemburg to modify the opinion of the Upper Chamber, by the creation of new peers. However, some concessions have been obtained. As regards other important questions with which the session was occupied, and especially that which regards the press, no result has been arrived at.

This session has had ninety-four sittings, and terminated the 16th July. At this date, the definitive vote on the Budget has occasioned, according to custom, the expression of the motives on which the votes were founded; and these speeches have, to a certain degree, characterized the political colour of the assembly. Nineteen votes were opposed to it. Seventy votes were in favour of the Budget. This is done at Stuttgardt by terminating the votes by no or yes.

Two remarkable speeches were delivered, one by the Deputy Schmid, who declared for its adoption because the government had not spontaneously opposed many ameliorations, or abolished abuses, but that doubtless circumstances had impeded it. He insisted on the necessity of maintaining towards foreign powers and the Diet the independence of Wurtemburg. This speech may be inserted in the journals of the country.

The speech of M. Pfizer, a Deputy celebrated for his work entitled "Correspondence between two Germans," will only be published later in the voluminous collection of the accounts of the Chambers. The substance of M. Pfizer's speech was as follows:

"If the state of the finances presented to the Chamber was only to be considered in a financial point of view, I should say Yes; for I do not seek celebrity in a systematic opposition. But the Minister of the Crown, who has declared, in the discussion of the Budget, that the right of refusing the supplies was only a theory, might have added afterwards the experience of these later years, that the whole of our constitution is a theory, which will not be put into practice so long as the absolute powers weigh on Germany as heretofore. In order to protest against a system which is apparently imposed upon us, against a system which would shake all faith in the sanctity of right and the inviolability of oaths; in order to protest against a line of policy disastrous to dynasties and the people; in order not to put the stamp of approbation on the inefficacy of the charter and the weakness of the representation :-for these motives I say No."

In consequence of proceedings in Switzerland against the members of " Young Germany," many persons have been arrested even in Germany, among others, a Frankforter who has resided for some time at Offenbach, in Hesse-Darmstadt. Brought before the authorities at Offenbach, he was conducted to Darmstadt, and put in prison. Researches are making at the Universities.

VOL. IV.NO. XXVIII.

N

ON THE FOREIGN POLICY OF PRUSSIA.

To the Editor of the Portfolio.

Leipzig, July 16, 1836.

SIR,

Public opinion (at least in Germany) is one thing, and Cabinet Policy is another. I have been endeavouring to prove, that the attempts to reason the people of the Constitutional States into a persuasion of the blessings of absolute power have been unsuccessful, and that the blame does not rest with that portion of the German people, if hitherto they have not been able to enjoy the undisturbed possession of their newly recovered liberties, or if the Germanic League has not yet assumed an independent attitude of foreign policy. If on this subject a doubt should still remain, I may simply ask, whether the English people were to be held answerable for the disuse of Parliaments and the misrule of Charles the Second, and whether, from their long suffering in this and similar instances, a settled distate for representative government is necessarily to be inferred. I might further allude to the disgraceful transactions between Charles the Second and Louis the Fourteenth, and proceed to ask, whether the English people are on that account to be charged with having thrown themselves into the arms of France, when it is upon record, that even the Duke of York, with all his bigotry and his love of arbitrary power, was at times alive to a sense of danger, and when, in the Cabinet Council, he was heard to declare, was plain that France aimed at the Universal Monarchy, and that none but his Majesty could hinder them from it, in the posture that Christendom stood?” (Memoirs of Sir William Temple, part 2nd.) Sir, I confess that I have not been led into this parallel by chance, but I do think it deeply illustrative of the present position of European affairs. Never, since the death of

it