suppositions of hostile intentions on our part; and that we have, on the contrary, avoided with care all that could give rise to them.

In the course of this year the cavalry will not even be concentrated for the purpose of exercising.

In the annexed papers, A. and B., in answer to the first question, your Highness will find marked in red the date of the order of his Majesty to take into consideration the modification of the system of enrolment, the date of the conferences which took place in consequence, and the questions proposed by his Majesty. They prove that all which took place under this head was arranged long before the circumstances occurred, to which people would now attribute these

measures.

The first page contains these indications, and renders the reading of the whole Protocol unnecessary.

The paper B. proves that the recruiting commenced in 1827, before the war of Russia against Turkey; and that no extraordinary sums were allowed for what it was necessary to acquire. These documents are but copies; but it is easy to see that they have not been invented to serve as a refutation to the questions which have been proposed to us.

The annexes, which refer to the question No. 2, contain underlined in red the most remarkable passages: a, the notice of the advanced age of two chiefs of battalions in the Landwehr, to prove that the Landwehr is by no means ready to march; b. An imperial resolution of 1825, which commanded several reductions, among others the abolition of the practice of placing officers in the twenty-second battalions of the Landwehr.

Both these documents are originals. Next, I will request your Highness to cast your eyes over the sheet annexed to page 6 of the Protocol mentioned in the first question.

VOL. IV.NO. XXVII.

D

No. IV. proves that the principles of the regeneration rest on a general measure, and one in no wise calculated for the present moment.

If one would support, by documents, the answer to the third question, it would be necessary to extract from the acts too voluminous documents to be easily collected. The same is the case with the answers to questions 4, 5, and 6. If, however, your Highness should wish to possess them, I can send them to you afterwards.

The annexes to No. 7 contain the originals of the requests for leave of absence of the Commandants-General, and the decisions of his Majesty with regard to them.

To prove, in answer to question 8, that the Hungarian regiments are not reinforced, I must have annexed the resolutions of the last Diet, and I had them not at hand. They are, however, printed, and by no means secret.

In the statement of the dislocation of troops, in answer to question 9, as well as in the decision of his Majesty, which refers to the corps withdrawn from Italy, those passages which serve as proof are marked in red, to spare the trouble of reading the whole.

In hastening to reply thus to the orders of your Highness, I entreat you to be pleased to return to me my documents; and I have the nonour to be, &c. &c.

CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF NOVOSILTZOFF.

[Comte de Novosiltzoff, President du Conseil de L'Empereur de Toutes Les Russies, Conseiller intime actuel, Conseiller President du Comité des Ministres, Membre de la Commission des Requêtes, &c., &c.

Such is the official title of the keeper of the conscience of the Emperor of Russia, who has recently arrived in England, with Admiral Mordwinoff, a Member of the Ministerial Council at St. Petersburgh, charged with a special Mission to this country.

The communications we have received on the subject of this eminent functionary sufficiently attest the importance attached to his Mission by the different Courts of Europe.

We sincerely trust that there may be no mistake in the manner of his reception here.

Lord Durham in his letter of the 5th of May informs us that the Emperor is determined "to act spontaneously and cordially with us in the maintenance of the peace of Europe."

His Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs proceeds to preserve the peace of Europe by cordially separating England from Russia, at the same time that he is determined spontaneously to support the Russian Faction in Greece with the third instalment of the loan.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer exhibits his proficiency in the Diplomacy which he has learnt from Lord Durham, by his ingenious reply, on Thursday night, to the Noble Member for Arundel.

In the midst of these difficulties, we can only cordially and spontaneously recommend the Chancellor of Russia to the hospitable attentions of that straightforward and liberal statesman, the President of the Board of Trade.]

Extract from "Coup d'Eil sur l'Etat politique du Royaume de Pologne sous la Domination Russe, par un Polonois." Paris, 1832. p. 115.

We know not the motive that induced Alexander to call precisely Novosiltzoff a second-rate diplomatist, conjointly with Lanskoy, to the function of member of the provisional government of the Duchy of Warsaw, in 1813. A dissolute spendthrift, inexhaustible in trickery, clever at subterfuges, he had all the vices

of a corrupt courtier and a harsh satrap. After the erection of the kingdom, he was the only one of the Russians who remained about the new government. His character of imperial commissioner was never ostensibly announced to the public, from motives which we have stated elsewhere, and it was only under the colour of favour, of concession to the wishes of the Polish government, that permission to sit in the council of the ministers was granted to that emissary.* For six years he never ceased to exercise a decisive influence over all the branches of the administration, and the indolent lieutenant of the kingdom, Prince Zayonczek, as well as his weak colleagues, did not hesitate to yield submissively to his opinions and his will, whenever he pretended to express the sentiments of the sovereign. At soon as Lubecki had contrived to withdraw from him one of the most important branches of the administration-that of the finances-Novosiltzoff, either out of revenge or from a desire to prove that he was of some use, fell, with all the fury of his malignity, upon the system of public instruction and police; and as he could no longer be an active minister, he coveted the paltry glory of those ancient proconsuls of Russia, who, during the long period of the death-struggle of Poland, bowed down both king and nation under their iron yoke.

There was a time when his baleful plans obtained the confidence of Alexander; and it was just then that this ambitious sovereign, alarmed by the events of which the west of Europe was the theatre, resolved to throw off his mask of liberalism, and to stop the alarming progress of civilization. Accordingly, Novosiltzoff received carte blanche to seek out the germs of revolution, of the existence of which he had had the hardihood to assure him.

The

The following is the tenor of the official note addressed to him on this subject by Count Grabowski, the minister secretary of state, in the name of the Emperor, dated Petersburgh, June 29, 1816.

"The lieutenant of the kingdom having communicated to his majesty the unanimous wish of the administrative council that you, sir, should be authorised to be present at the meetings of the said council, to watch its labours and to assist it with your intelligence, his majesty has ordered me to inform you, sir, that he grants you the authority requisite for this purpose,"

most heinous attacks were made on individual liberty; gloomy dungeons rang with the groans of the victims of suspicion; but the results of these horrors did not answer the expectations of authority, which reaped from them nothing but disgrace and universal indignation. This first check of Novosiltzoff's deprived him of great part of his ascendency over the mind of the sovereign. "I do not believe," wrote the minister secretary of state to Lubecki, under date of August 2, 1823, "all those grand revelations of Novosiltzoff's; they have so often proved false, that certainly they are no better this time. He is striving with all his might to render himself indispensable, and it is by these means alone that he in some measure retains his influence; but he possesses no esteem, and is not therefore to be feared: at any rate he can do no mischief, and which he labours to do with all his power."

In proportion as Novosiltzoff lost the favour of the Emperor, he contrived to make himself amends for it by insinuating himself more and more into the good graces of Constantine; and he at length gained such an ascendency over that prince that he fancied he was not safe without his presence and support. What, in fact, is easier than to excite terror in a despot, to torment his mind with the shades of immolated victims, to raise their vengeful daggers against him! Such were precisely the means employed by Novosiltzoff to secure the entire confidence of the master of the Belvedere, and the office of grand inquisitor of the kingdom. His perfidious and underhand dealings were, nevertheless, still without satisfactory success. Soured by continual reverses, alarmed at the great responsibility for which he foresaw that he should soon have to account, he took the desperate resolve to declare himself openly the sworn enemy of the nation. It was no longer merely against suspected persons, against public disturbers, but against the whole Polish race and nation, that he now directed his attacks. There were no reproaches, however absurd, no calumnies, however infamous, but what he dared to launch against us. According to him, our schools, though watched by hosts of spies, were but revolutionary nurseries, our