Mr. Brown, through the columns of the Banner, threw himself into the conflict with all his immense energy, but it soon became apparent, to himself and others, that this journal could not carry on the war with the Erastian party in the church, and fight Lord Metcalfe and his clerical and lay supporters at the same time. The necessity for a purely political paper was urgent, and the leading men of the party pressed Mr. Brown on the subject. The result was that the publication of the Globe was undertaken, and the first number was issued on the 5th of March, 1844. The Globe prospectus had the following paragraph: "The wide circulation of the Banner has brought its political views generally before the public, but in a paper in which so large a part is devoted to religious and ecclesiastical information, it was impossible to do justice to these views. The same political 66 opinions will be maintained in the Globe, and a wider field afforded "for the expression of them, as it will be entirely devoted to secular 'subjects." The Banner was published by Mr. Brown, senior, for several years after the first publication of the Globe, and rendered great service in its own peculiar field of newspaper life, but also having much influence as a newspaper, independent of its ecclesiastical character.

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While there is no doubt that existing circumstances were favourable to the enterprise, there is equally little doubt that the immediate success of the new journal was owing chiefly to the great ability and immense energy of the editor-in-chief. At this time, Sir Chas. Metcalfe was conducting the government in defiance of parliament and parliamentary government, having a skeleton administration, consisting of Hon. Mr. Draper, Hon. D. Viger, and Hon. Dominic Daly, the latter gentleman having retained his office when his colleagues resigned a few months before, although he agreed with his colleagues' policy, up to the resigning portion of it. An early dissolution was inevitable. The articles in the Globe were directed towards preparing for the coming struggle, and to the exposure of the autocratic and unconstitutional conduct of the Governor-General, with his aiders and abettors. Trucklers on the liberal side, and the resurrected Tory oligarchy, were alike assailed with a vehemence and power which left nothing to be desired on the part of those who demanded a vigorous, able management in the new paper. The articles produced a great effect on the country, but the Governor-General had many advantages on his side, which rendered the issue somewhat doubtful for a time. The state of the franchise and of the election law gave the Governor a great advantage in a parliamentary election. Writers were also found who were willing to uphold Sir Charles Metcalfe in his struggle against parliamentary government. One reverend gentleman, Dr. Ryerson, who had in earlier days rendered good service on behalf of religious

equality and popular rights, was induced to undertake the defence of the new assailant of the rights and privileges he had formerly so well defended. The means taken by the government resulted in a partial, but not honourable, success on their side; but the general impression was so strong against the Governor-General and his apologists, that they must have felt that such a course could never be attempted again, and that a return to sound constitutional principle was inevitable.

press.

The services rendered by Mr. Brown in the columns of the Globe were so well appreciated, that he was pressed to become a candidate at the general election of November, 1844. This he wisely declined, for personal and political reasons. He felt then, as he did on a later occasion, to which reference will be made, that he could more effectually aid the liberal party by influencing public opinion through the The Globe was not wholly a political journal; its reputation as a newspaper, though high, had yet to be fully established; it would therefore necessarily be much injured at that time by its chief editor devoting himself to the legislative work of the province. The Draper administration managed to obtain a bare majority, and maintained a precarious existence until the general election in 1847. The country was, in the meantime, being much agitated by the tactics and policy of the government. Mr. Brown was a chief instrument in working up a public opinion, which was gradually becoming extremely hostile to the ministry. From 1844 to 1847 he travelled over a great portion of the country, and soon established intimate relations with leading men in all quarters, and also a correspondence, which gave him more accurate information than could be obtained by any one else of the drift of public opinion. The circulation of the Globe was greatly extended; a semi-weekly issue was commenced in 1846, soon to be succeeded by a tri-weekly in 1849; and a branch paper, under the name of the Western Globe, was established in London. In 1849, Mr. Brown was prosecuted at London for libel, by the late Judge Prince, at that time member for Essex. Mr. Prince, though only partially successful in the suit, admired Mr. Brown's ability, and became his fast friend, as the following sympathetic letter will abundantly show:

THE PARK FARM, 6th March, 1858. MY DEAR SIR, I cannot refrain from writing a few lines to congratulate you upon the course you have taken to protect yourself against the infamous conduct of that Attorney-General Macdonald towards you, and to bring him to condign censure and disgrace. As a Briton, I am proud to witness your manly conduct, and that you so stoutly resisted the tenders of some puny legislators to give way. Every one of the charges brought against you are, in point of law, gross slanders, and I have no doubt but a jury would mulet him in heavy damages, because his language (though uttered where it was and upon the occasion it was) cannot be called privileged. It was gross, wilful, false, malicious slander, and I trust the committee will do you justice. I think they will, and I am glad my

friend John Wilson is one of them. You have acquitted yourself admirably in the matter. Go on, and the country will sustain you; and Macdonald could not promote your popularity more than by taking the course he has.

I remain, my Dear Sir, sincerely yours,

To GEORGE BROWN, Esq., M. P. P., Toronto.

JOHN PRINCE.

When the general election took place late in 1847 and in January, 1848, Mr. Brown devoted all his efforts as a speaker and writer towards the defeat of the ministry. Many of his speeches delivered then on behalf of liberal candidates, are still remembered by those who heard them as being the most effective they had ever listened to. He had a singular power in rousing enthusiasm in a popular assembly, and very few cared to encounter the tremendous tide of his rhetoric. This election campaign fully established his reputation as one of the foremost men in Canada both as a speaker and writer, and then and ever afterwards he could have obtained a seat in parliament for many of the constituencies. Up to the triumph of the liberals at this election, Mr. Brown and the regular liberal leaders worked generally harmoniously together. They were all engaged in an ardent attempt to secure, not the form alone, but the essence and spirit of responsible government. There could be no question as to the condemnation of Lord Metcalfe's acts and policy with any reformers (unless, indeed, we except those who went over to the enemy, but who affected to defend it as liberals, to whom allusion has already been made). Points of disagreement, which subsequently became vital, had as yet no existence. A common danger to the first principles of representative government kept all reformers together. All were supposed to be agreed on certain great reforms as yet untouched, especially the secularization of the clergy reserves and King's College, Toronto.

CHAPTER II.

REFORM MINISTRY OF 1848.-MR. BROWN PROSECUTED FOR LIBEL.

Mr. Brown and the country were soon to learn that some of the leaders had not courage to carry out their convictions, that some others hesitated about the policy and would not step over the Rubicon, and that some were actually hostile. Seldom had any country before witnessed the spectacle of party leaders being returned to power by the people by a large majority, to carry out certain specific reforms and to give effect to certain principles, and such leaders hesitating or refusing to introduce the measures they were bound by their principles and pledges to carry, as they could carry, in a friendly parliament. They seemed to forget that the ante-electoral battle was not fought to place Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Lafontaine, and their subsequent associates, in power, but as means to a great public end; the end being the passage of measures in parliament which would restore to the people property which had been seized by a sect or sects, and to abolish every appearance of a dominant church. Other fundamental reforms relating to the franchise and electoral laws, municipal government, the marriage laws and other more or less important measures, were also reasonably expected by the people. On such questions the mass of the people would have no compromise; there could be no compromise with honest Either it was right or it was wrong that certain sects should have a supremacy by law; if wrong, it must be put an end to; and few but the beneficiaries were disposed to defend the absurd and wicked policy which sought to impose an established church on Canada, and so introduce the discord and constant agitation which prevailed in the mother land.

men.

Parliament was summoned to meet on the 25th day of February, being about a month after the return of the writs. Of course, every one knew that although the conservative government determined to meet parliament, they were ignominiously beaten at the polls.* The liberal leaders knew equally well that they would have to assume the responsibilities of office, and that this carried with it the responsibility, to the people who placed them there, of carrying into effect

* The conservative press and leaders, in 1878, joined in vigorous denunciation of Mr. Mackenzie's government remaining in office from the polling day, Sept. 18th, to October 10th, a period sufficiently short to finish up business; but in this case, the spectacle of conservatives retaining office for three months, after sustaining a decisive defeat at the polls, attracted no censure.

the measures already alluded to, as containing the just and proper demands of the nation, the advocacy of which was to give them power and authority. It appeared, however, from the first that no agreement had been arrived at for a decisive policy.

The new reform ministry was formed on the 10th of March, and consisted of Messrs. Lafontaine, Baldwin, Sullivan, Hincks, Aylwin, Lesslie, Caron, Price, Viger, Taché and Cameron.

While much important legislation was accomplished in this session, none of the burning questions alluded to were touched. The great mass of ministerial supporters were, however, disposed to consider it as not very unreasonable that ministers should have time during the first recess to consider their measures, and therefore waited patiently.

In 1849 Mr. Brown accepted an appointment as one of the commissioners instructed to inquire into the management of the Provincial Penitentiary, also acting as secretary. This institution had been left almost entirely to the care of Mr. Smith, the warden, without a sufficient inspection by some competent officer. It was charged that many prisoners were cruelly used; that extensive transactions in the business affairs had been grossly mismanaged; that the institution had been made a comfortable resort for relatives of the warden; and that the funds placed at his disposal for the accounts had, to a greater or less extent, been improperly applied to other objects. The result of the inquiry was to establish the truth of many of the charges, if not all, and the consequent removal of the warden. The son of that gentleman (Sir Henry Smith) sat in parliament as member for Frontenac. He bitterly resented the exposure made, and laid the report chiefly at the door of the active secretary, whom he never ceased to attack when opportunity offered. The report, however, was looked upon by the public as an able and exhaustive one, and the conclusions and recommendations as the just and inevitable outcome of facts elicited during the inquiry. Many years afterwards this report was made the occasion of a scandalous attack on Mr. Brown, to which reference will be made elsewhere.

Mr. Brown's journalistic career was signalized in May, 1849, by the famous libel suit, at the instance of Col. Prince, to which reference has been made, who swore out a criminal information against him for copying some injurious comments on him in the capacity of Crown counsel, and for some criticisms afterwards indulged in at the Colonel's expense. The offensive articles appeared in an edition of the Globe published in London as the Western Globe, late in 1847. He was indicted in 1848, but it was not until May 1849 that he was brought to trial. On this as on subsequent occasions he defended himself. His cross-examination of the gallant Colonel was one of the most amusing court scenes ever witnessed in Canada. At that time the law of libel in Canada was most unjust, and behind that of England. A defendant