works of both in controversy have neither literary nor political merit ; one only wonders on reading them how they ever attracted any attention. By such aid, and the personal influence of the GovernorGeneral, the conservative government succeeded in obtaining a majority of two at the general election, and were thus enabled to maintain a precarious and turbulent existence. But it was utterly powerless to promote useful legislation; nor did it seriously attempt the task. That government expired, in a manner worthy of its existence, in March, 1848. It was the offspring of the revolutionary act of the chief executive; the members, whatever might have been their personal excellences, were politically the mere creatures of the partisan Governor. As such they assumed office, though they knew that their predecessors refused to remain there on such humiliating terms.

The chaotic state of political life was aggravated by the sectarian and denominational discussions brought on by the determination of the temporary beneficiaries of the elergy reserve funds to ignore the settlement which had been made under the Imperial Clergy Reserve Act of 1840, and secure the right to divide the land itself and lease portions, to form permanent endowments. Sir Francis Hincks says "that for the re-agitation of the question the bishops and clergy of the "Church of England were chiefly, if not wholly, responsible." This naturally provoked counter action on the part of the reformers and voluntaries, who declared, through Mr. Price, that "vesting the land "in ecclesiastical bodies was an infliction that the country could not "and would not bear." The "infliction," however, seemed for a time to be imminent. The agitation from the first was conducted with great zeal and skill by the veteran Bishop of Toronto, whose great talents commanded respect, and, although he failed in his original plan to some extent, he had not, as now became manifest, given up the hope of securing some sort of ecclesiastical supremacy for himself and his clergy, though keenly opposed by many of his own communion. The time seemed favourable to accomplish his object. A reactionary Governor was at the head of affairs; prominent men in the Church of Scotland supported the Governor; the beneficiaries in that church from the clergy reserve lands were willing to uphold the demands of the sturdy Bishop.

Events afterwards proved that the public mind was not so quiescent as the agitators had calculated on, for although Lord Metcalfe proposed to vest the lands in the several sects, Mr. Sherwood failed to get an address passed to procure a new Imperial Act to authorize a division of the land.

While the agitation provoked by the ecclesiastical dignitaries referred to greatly embittered public discussion, it also had this effect-it aided the advocates of perfect religious equality and the voluntary

principle in giving shape to their demands for the repeal of the Imperial Act, and the restoration to Canada of the right to deal with the whole question of religious endowments.

Many able writers were engaged in the Examiner and other news papers in combating the advocates of exclusive rights; but it is doing them no injustice to say, that the Messrs. Brown, senior and junior, were the most trenchant and accomplished writers who had yet appeared on the questions involved.

It

The entire population of Canada West, in 1844, did not exceed 600,000. In one respect it was much easier reaching them, as the population was generally congregated in districts comparatively easily reached by water. The large population now in the counties of Grey, Bruce and Simcoe, fill a region then almost without an inhabitant. was therefore much easier for a vigorous public man, by personal contact or through the press, to reach the mass of the people than it is now even with the aid of railways. When Mr. Baldwin led the reform party he knew, more or less, nearly every man who took an active part in political discussion, and in an emergency-such as preparing for a sudden general election-he could communicate with most of them personally. Mr. Brown, as the chief journalist of the time and the coming leader, enjoyed the same advantage; and it may be doubted whether at a later period, when the country was practically larger, even his indomitable energy could have resulted in accomplishing in so short a period the secularization of the clergy reserves, and later in securing representation by population and the adoption of the federal system. It will be admitted by his warmest friends that the times favoured him as a great popular advocate; and his bitterest enemies will equally admit that he made a most admirable use of his abilities and influence; by which he left his mark in ineffaceable lines on the history of his adopted country.

BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER I.

MR. BROWN'S EARLY HISTORY.-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE 66 GLOBE" NEWSPAPER.

Mr. Brown was a native of Edinburgh, in which city he was born on the 29th of November, 1818. He was the son of the late Peter Brown, who lived many years in Toronto; his mother was a daughter of Mr. George Mackenzie, of Stornoway, in the Island of Lewis. Lord Brougham, in his autobiography, tells us that he believes he was indebted to the Celtic blood inherited from his mother (who was a Robertson) for the energy and power of his character. He says: "If "Mary Whelpdale had been my mother, she would, no doubt, have "enriched the Saxon blood I derived from my father; but I should “have remained in the state of respectable mediocrity which seems "C to have been that of my many ancestors. I at least owe

"much to the Celtic blood which my mother brought from the clans "of Struan and Kinloch Moidart." Similarly we may assume that Mr. Brown derived much of his energy, power and religious zeal from his half Celtic origin; these qualities he possessed in an eminent degree, united with the proverbial caution and prudence of the Lowlander. Young Brown received his education at the High School and Southern Academy, in Edinburgh, where we know he made such progress as justified his family and teachers in anticipating for the young student a successful career in the race of life. Dr. Gunn, of the latter institution, when introducing him to the audience at a closing examination, to declaim an exercise, said: "This young gentleman is not "only endowed with high enthusiasm, but possesses the faculty of "creating enthusiasm in others."

It does not appear that he ever desired to engage in any of what are called the professions, though his father desired that he should enter the University with that view. Shortly after his leaving the Academy, Mr. Brown, senior, became involved in pecuniary difficulties, through the misconduct of an agent. This circumstance, after a time, induced Mr. Brown to emigrate to America, to retrieve his fortunes on a wider field. In 1838, the final determination was reached, when

Mr. George Brown accompanied his father to New York, leaving the other members of the family in Edinburgh for a time.

Mr. Brown, senior, was a highly cultivated man, an accomplished writer, and a keen politician on the side of liberalism. Probably no man in his day had a better knowledge of history, civil and religious, or a more correct opinion respecting popular government. An intense hater of slavery, and a keen defender of the British constitutional system, no man was better adapted to shine as a newspaper editor or contributor. As a writer in the Albion, he soon became known, and acquired such a knowledge of the country and the feelings of British residents, as justified him in commencing the publication of a newspaper of his own, under the name of the British Chronicle, and Mr. George Brown first became known to the public as its publisher.

The new journal first appeared in the month of December, 1842. It professed to have the same general character as the Albion, but it was doubtful if there was room for two papers of the same class. The Chronicle was probably looked upon more as an organ of the Scottish population than the Albion, but both journals had necessarily to take, in a general way, the same line in regard to British and United States' affairs, and appeal for support to the same constituency. The necessity for advertising and obtaining support for the Chronicle, led Mr. Brown to visit Canada in 1843, as well as most of the northern States. At this time the agitation in the Presbyterian church, in Scotland, which led to that grand politico-religious movement termed "The Disruption," had extended itself to Canada. The Messrs. Brown, father and son, were ardent adherents of the "Non-intrusion" party, but were also much in advance of the bulk of the Free Church party in the matter of church establishments. The greater part of the Presbyterians in Canada deeply sympathized with the popular party in Scotland, and were considering the necessity of formulating their views, even if it should split the church here. The arrangement made some years previously with the Tory oligarchy ruling Canada, by which certain Presbyterian ministers received a share of the clergy reserves, and thereupon ceased the agitation against the pensioning of English Church ministers from the national lands, was never approved by the mass of their people. The articles in the Chronicle suited the majority, and paved the way for Mr. Brown's favourable reception when he came to Canada in the interests of his journal. It was therefore natural that some anxiety should be felt to procure the establishment of the paper in the province where such important movements were on foot, and where there was no adequate representative of right opinion in the press. Conferences with leading men in the church resulted in Mr. Brown's accepting proposals to circulate the Chronicle extensively in Canada, as the organ of the new move

ment. During his visit he was also brought into contact with leading public men of the liberal party of Upper Canada, then destitute of any leading newspaper capable of directing or controlling public opinion. The liberal party was in power, but liberal principles could hardly be said to be in the ascendancy, while the obstinate resistance to the principles of responsible government of the Governor-General, Sir Charles Metcalfe (soon to cause an open rupture with his ministers), made progress with measures of reform difficult, if not utterly impossible. There can be no doubt that at the time of Mr. Brown's visit to Canada, ministers must have had a taste of Sir Charles Metcalfe's hostility to popular government, and even then were anticipating open war from the Governor-General.

Some of the ministers were noble, devoted men; some others were able men, who would carry out reform measures, if they conveniently could; others were mere time-servers, ready to serve on either side, as some did. At the time of Mr. Brown's visit there was an undercurrent of belief that an open rupture with Sir Charles Metcalfe could not be long avoided, unless responsible government was, with the consent of ministers, to be trampled underfoot. Although there was no formal agreement or understanding arrived at between Mr. Brown and Mr. Baldwin and others about publishing a paper in Canada in the interests of the liberal party, there is no doubt but what Mr. Brown left for New York impressed with the belief that he should move permanently to the British Provinces, and that the liberal leaders would like to have his services as a journalist to aid them. The biographical sketch published in the Globe says: "Young Mr. Brown “made a decided impression on the members of the administration, "and had given them the idea that he would be a potent ally of any "political cause to which he might attach himself. And "when he left Kingston, he must have felt that, in the event of his "taking up his abode in this country, he could count on a pretty strong support from the government."

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As the result of deliberations on the subject, and of further overtures from Canada, the publication of the British Chronicle in New York was given up, and Mr. Brown, with his father and family, moved to Toronto, where the Banner made its appearance on the 18th of August, 1843, as a weekly paper, as an organ of the Free Church party, and partly as a paper strongly supporting the liberal party and the existing administration. The anticipated rupture with Sir Charles Metcalfe occurred a few weeks after the Banner appeared. His ministers resigned on his refusal to accept their advice respecting appointments. It was clear that the battle for responsible government had to be fought over again, before much attention could be devoted to internal and detailed reforms, however important.