sheriff is agreeable to that of his pre- | decessors, and that his predecessors were never the subject of complaint; to obviate then, Mr. Cobbett, some disadvantage arising from the defect of this system for the future, and without any incroachment on the usage of prior sheriff's, I would propose that until some more defined and permanent alteration shall take place, the sheriff do, in addition to the names, state the occupations of those persons, who are coffcerned in trade, and at the same time, specify the place where the business is conducted; this will be giving a publicity extremely requisite for those who are concerned in the appointment of Special Juries, and may obviate considerable in justice and inconvenience, until something more advantageous can be adopted. Mr. Cobbett, I regard this as a subject of weighty import; and, as I am acquainted with no publication where questions of magnitude receive more attention from the enlightened and independent part of mankind, than in your Register, I hope these crude comments will be permitted by you, to meet the public eye in that work, and that the insertion will be productive of public benefit. I am, Sir, yours, &c. Lincoln's Inn. JUBILEE. W. F. S. PROCEEDINGS OF THE COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL OF THE CITY OF LONDON, Tuesday, September 26, 1809. "a 66 copies of two motions, which, however, it was not his intention to press, which were in direct opposition to the recommendation of the Report. As to the Dinner, he had certainly attended the Committee with the express view of opposing that. He had not the slightest objection to attending at St. Paul's; nor to going up with an Address, provided that it was not made the vehicle of political opinions. The Illumination he had steadily opposed, as improper in every point of view: To preserve the peace of the City was highly important; and no man could be so blind as not to perceive that, although the resolution of the Committee confined it to the front of Guildhall, the illumination there would be the signal for a general and compulsory one throughout this immense metropolis.-The situation of the kingdom was, in every point of view, such as to render a General Illumination little better than a general insult. With what sincerity could those persons obey the mandate to illuminate, whose children, parents, relatives, and friends, had perished in Spain, or were dying in the hospitals at Walcheren? He hoped that the feelings and good sense of the Corporation would induce them totally to give up the idea of illuminating. In presenting the Report, he felt it incumbent on him to move that such Report should be received, and the recommendations contained in it adopted: but he should hold himself at liberty to state his objections to such parts of it as he deemed objectionable, before the question was finally put. Mr. Alderman Wood, as Chairman of the Committee appointed to consider of the most proper means of celebrating the ensuing Anniversary of his Majesty's Accession to the Throne, presented their Report. It stated in substance, as the opinion of the Committee, That the Corpo"ration should attend Divine Service at "St. Paul's Cathedral; that they should "afterwards proceed to St. James's with Congratulatory Address to his Majesty, and that the front of Guildhall "should be illuminated," but it was the unanimous opinion of the Committee, "That it was neither expedient nor necessary that the Corporation should dine together on that day." Mr. Alderman Wood then said that, although as Chairman of the Committee, he had felt it his duty to sign the Report, he by no means conceived himself pledged to the support of the propositions which it contained. So far was he from agreeing to the principle, that he held in his hand Mr. HERNE expressed much dissatisfaction at the Report, which, in his opinion, was directly contrary to the sentiments of that Court, when the Committee was ap pointed. But nothing better could be expected from a Committee, in which, with the grossest inconsistency, gentlemen had been appointed who were known to be against a Jubilee altogether. The propositions were absurd and monstrous; first, they were to go to Church, and then they were to go to Court, and then they were to go quietly about their business. Was this a testimony of respect from a Corporation so noted for their love of good eating and drinking? Instead of meeting together, and enjoying a good substantial dinner, and a glass of good old port, that it should be said of the Citizens of London, that they sneaked home, and finished the day on a mutton chop, was most mon strous, and would never be believed by posterity. It was inconsistent with the dignity of the Corporation, and calculated to throw an odium on all their proceedings on this important occasion. It had been said that attempts were made to bring politics into the discussion. Gentlemen had indeed now made it a political question, and that of the highest import ance. Mr. Alderman SCHOLEY was of opinion that the Committee ought to have prepared an Address, and presented it to the Court for their consideration, together with the Report. Mr. GRIFFITHS observed, that he was one of those who had signed the Report, and he could not help observing, that Mr. Herne had been prejudging others by the measure of his own conduct. The duty of that Gentleman had very often called for his attendance at Church, where he (Mr. G.) did not, however, remember to have seen him.-[Here the coarse exclamation of "that's a falsity," was heard, on which there was a general cry of Order, accompanied by very strong expressions of indignation.] He (Mr. G.) had as much loyalty as any man, although it had been insinuated that the Committee, if not disloyal, had recommended measures by which the City of London would be disgraced. But in his opinion, the Committee had recommended those measures, which, if adopted, would do honour to the City of London. Was a dinner the sine qua non of a Meeting of the Corporation of the City of London? Could not even the solemn act of returning thanks to God for the lengthened life of his Majesty be performed, without a succeeding feast? Was eating and drinking indispensably connected with every act of the Citizens of London in their corporate capacity? He was ashamed to hear sentiments so degrading, so humiliating to the City, which, he trusted, the good sense of that Court would rescue from the imputation of habitual characteristic gluttony. Mr. S. DIXON was of opinion that the recommendations of the Committee in the Report should be discussed separately. With respect to a dinner, he was not one of those who could see any offence to the Almighty in eating a good dinner, or in drinking a few glasses of good red port (Applauses). The greatest proof of our love, regard, and adoration, was chearfulness; and the most effectual way to promote that was, in his opinion, by a good substantial dinner, and a glass of good Mr. WAITHMAN said, that although he had attended the Committee, and put his name to the Report, he felt himself wholly at liberty to object to any of the recommendations contained in it. With respect to the first observation made by a Member of that Court (Mr. Hearn), that my gentlemen were appointed to the Committee who were not favourable to its objects, he should answer, that at least fourfifths of the Members of the Committee were composed of gentlemen of the other side, and that it had always been the custom of that Court not to choose their Committee entirely from one party. It was somewhat extraordinary that Mr. Hearn, who was himself a Member of that Committee, and attended its proceedings, should now find such serious objections to the Report, although he had never stated these objections in the Committee. By his attendance, however, in the Committee, he must have known that the Resolutions of the present Report had been prepared not by him, but by a worthy gentleman (Mr. Clarke), who very often difiered from him in that Court. An honourable and most loyal baronet (Sir W. Curtis) did not attend at the Committee, and was also absent on the present occa sion. This absence shewed pretty clearly that there was a point, beyond which the loyalty of the hon. baronet would not carry him. He, for his part, had gone so much at large into the subject on a former occasion, that he felt some reluctance now to trouble the Court at any length; but, although he hoped that he had briefly brought many most important subjects under their consideration, still there were many essential points which he had over looked. When he mentioned to some of his friends, before the last Court, that it was his intention to come forward and ex press his sincere opinion upon the subject, they most earnestly dissuaded him from doing it. It was not that they were not perfectly aware of the artful contrivance from which the business originated; they were not ignorant of the calamities which have befallen the country during the pre sent reign; or of the foolery of calling for a day of rejoicing in a period of unexampied affliction. They knew that the object of the contrivance was to set up a that portion of his reign which went down to the dismemberment of the empire, and the loss of America. If we were to come to more modern times, and look at the history of the last 16 years, we should find that this country has been involved in a most bloody and calamitous war, for an object which the people, never understood. The country knew when their fleets were in port, and when they were not; but they never knew what it was that they were fighting for. The calamitous events of these bloody, cry of loyalty, and throw the odium of disloyalty upon every one who ventured to express a difference of opinion. Notwithstanding this advice, he had determined to speak his opinion. Whatever odium there might be attached to opposing an artificial cry of loyalty, he had never been afraid of encountering it. As to popularity, if he should earn it, he would be content to wear it; but he never did, nor ever would decline speaking his real sentiments from any view connected with obtaining popularity. He did feel some selfapplause in recollecting that he had re-expensive, and disastrous wars, were cersisted a cry which was set up from interested motives, and that he had preferred the risk of being unpopular, to the desertion of his duty in that Court as a Representative of the City of London. With respect to going to Church, he thought that was a very proper thing; but still he was a little surprised at the quarter from which it was proposed. As to the congratulatory Address, he declared that he was utterly at a loss to conceive what topics of congratulation could be selected, and he should think it a most puzzling thing to shape any Address of Congratulation without filling it with the most gross and infamous faisehoods. When his majesty first ascended the throne, we were a free, happy, and united people, and our public affairs were managed by the great Lord Chatham, the ablest Minister this country ever produced. The taxes then amounted to very little more than seven millions annually, whereas they have now increased to seventy millions. In the commencement of the reign, the union and happiness of the people were much disturbed by the squabbles of the government. During Mr. Wilkes's time, or until the commencement of the American war, he could see no subject of congratulation. Passing over then the earlier years of his majesty's reign, and coming directly to the American war, he must say that this was one of the most wicked and calamitous wars that ever the country had been engaged in; that all the objects of the war, and America itself, were lost; and that the debt of this country was increased to a prodigious extent. He could say more -that he believed that all the evils which have overrun the Continent of Europe, and reduced this country to great danger, might be directly traced to the wicked policy which dictated the AmeHe therefore could not see 100m for congratulating his majesty on rican war. tainly not subjects to congratulate his ma- 66 Was this country: and yet ministers shewed great abilities in some things. They could easily discover all the means that would prevent surcharges from being evaded; and yet they never could discover the means by which the country's affairs in other respects could be managed with honour. At the very time that the taxes were to be levied with the utmost rigour, accounts to the amount of nine millions of money were yet unsettled at the Victualling-office; and above seven millions of West India accounts were yet unexamined, notwithstanding the expence of the Commissioners appointed for that purpose. In the very last year, above nine millions were added to the yearly expenditure; and when it was considered, that from the year 1797 to the present year, the taxes had increased from twenty-three millions annually to seventy millions, without gaining a single object for which we entered into the war, he could not see how his majesty could be congratulated on such calamitous events. It was evidently impossi ble for the country to go on much longer under such a progressive and enormous accumulation of public burdens. Those Gentlemen on the other side, who were always calling for unanimity in that Court, were acting inconsistently when they brought forward motions which must necessarily disturb that unanimity. He had himself for the whole of his political life, opposed, as far as he was able, the system which had brought so many calamities on the country. For the greater part of that time he had been buffeted and hunted down as a Jacobin, and for many years he could only prevail on five Members to divide with him. He nowever had never turned to the right hand or the left; but regardless of whatever odium the Gentlemen on the other side might excite against him, he had fearlessly pursued through life, and he should always continue to do it, that line of conduct which his sense of public duty pointed out [loud applauses below the Bar. The Lord Mayor called the Gentlemen to order]. These applauses were certainly irregular, and he was happy to say that it was an irregularity which did not often take place. There were, however, occasions when it was hard for men to conceal their feelings; and such demonstrations had been heard, sometimes, respecting the shameful Convention of Cintra, the country would, probably, not have now to lament the loss which we have sustained in Spain, from the hasty advance and precipitate retreat of lord viscount Wellington. Now, although the Convention of Cintra had been felt as most disgraceful to this country, yet there was no man hardy enough to stand up and say, that in this, that, or any other failure, which is recorded in the annals of British history, was any thing near so disgraceful and calamitous, as the last and most infamous Expedition, which was entrusted to lord Chatham. There was nobody that would say, that the Income Tax, and the extension of the Excise laws, were subjects upon which his majesty should be congratulated. As to the conduct of our military affairs, it was so extremely bad, that although we have double the number of Generals on our staff that Buonaparté has, and maintained, probably, at four times the expence, yet when it comes to select Generals for the command of our Expeditions, we select a Whitelocke, a Dalrymple, or a Chatham. Could the court see with indifference the waste of British blood which was occasioned by the folly of those who planned, or who had the execution of the objects of our Expeditions? It had been said, and very truly, that the valour of our soldiers and sailors had been conspicuous in the late wars. If so, the greater blame rested upon the GovernIf we had soldiers who would not fight, the wisest Government might fail in its objects; but when it is known that we have a brave army and navy, that will execute well whatever they are called upon to do, the blame will rest exclusively on the Government, which, by the absurdity of its plans, and its selection of officers, makes British valour useless, and causes torrents of British blood to flow for no purpose. Among the many faults of the Government, he would maintain, that although we had 38 Ambassadors, who received 51,000l. per ann. in pensions, in addition to their pay, yet in the very few courts in which they would be received, it was almost always found that they were completely ignorant of their duty. We had lately an example of this in America; and in Sweden, although every other man in the country knew a Revolution was probable, the British Ambassador alone appear-in the House of Commons itself. There ed to know nothing of the matter. There never was a great country whose affairs had been so ill managed as the affairs of ment. were many Gentlemen in that Court who agreed with him in the most essential points; and yet, because there were some 16 " 66 "live in riot and luxury upon the plunder "of the ignorant, the innocent, the helpless-upon that part of the community "which stands most in need of, and best deserves, the care and protection of the "Legislature. To me, my Lords, whether "they be the miserable jobbers of Change"alley, or the lofty Asiatic plunderers of "Leadenhall-street, they are all equally "detestable. I care but little whether a "man walks on foot, or is drawn by eight "horses, or six horses; if his luxury be supported by the plunder of his country, "I despise and detest him. My Lords, "while I had the honour of serving his Majesty, I never ventured to look at the Treasury, but at a distance; it is a busi"ness I am unfit for, and to which I never "could have submitted. The little I know "of it has not served to raise my opinion "of what is vulgarly called the monied in"terest. I mean, that blood-sucker, that "muck-worm, which calls itself the friend "of Government-that pretends to serve "this or that Administration, and may be "purchased, on the same terms, by any Administration-that advances money "to Government, and takes special care of "its own emoluments. Under this deIscription I include the whole race of "Commissaries, Jobbers, Contractors, "Clothiers, and Remitters!!!" 86 shades of difference, they, upon many occasions, threw themselves into the arms of the enemy. Nothing could be more mischievous or dangerous than such a course. Mr. Fox had elegantly observed, in his History, that it was much better to conIcede something to a friend, than every thing to an enemy." He wished that He wished that those, who on important points thought as he did, were impressed with the truth of this sentiment. As to many of the Gentlemen on the other side, he might as well talk to stocks or stones, as to address them with any hopes of convincing them. They were evidently playing a game of their own; they were fishing for themselves, while he had nothing to hope for or to fear from any Government, and had never obtained or sought any favours. He was very much astonished that a Gentleman who had given notice of a motion for the present day (Mr. Deputy Kemble), should now feel differently from what he did upon the Convention of Cintra :-On that occasion he mentioned, “that his blood boiled "with indignation, and that he was ready "to go up to his majesty every week with a remonstrance on the subject." That burning zeal, however, must have now considerably cooled. The City of London could shew no better proof of its loyalty to its Sovereign upon the present occasion, than by pointing out to him those enemies Had these most pertinent observations who had brought such disgraces and dan- been made by himself (Mr. W.,) he doubtgers upon the country. An hon. and loyal less had been charged with Jacobinism of baronet (sir W. Curtis) had, upon a former the deepest dye-but they were sentiments occasion, complained of his personality; of the great Chatham, the determined foe but he did not at that time recollect for of corruption in whatever shape it reared what number of years he (Mr. W.) had its head [Hear! hear!]. He well knew, been exposed to the personalities of the as we also all well knew, or might well hon. baronet and his friends. He had, know, that these men were set up to sale to perhaps, forgotten, that when he was in a every Administration. No Administration, minority on the question of the Treason be it composed of who it might, could ever and Sedition Bills, Gentlemen insisted upon be at a loss to raise a loan, whilst such a division in order that it might be seen characters as lord Chatham had described "who were the enemies of the country." were in existence. After Mr. Pitt retired, As to what was called the monied interest, his successors were invited most cordially although he was himself a tradesman, he to partake of Civic Hospitality. Even would never look much to the monied in- Lord Grey, who had for years been opposterest to support constitutional principles; ing Mr. Pitt's system, no sooner came into nor to Bank Directors, who can get Acts power than he was invited into the City. of Parliament to prevent them paying their Of this disposition to servile adulation he notes in cash, and who receive 5 per cent. might adduce instances without end, which for interest on a bit of paper intrinsically he should not detain the Court by recapinot worth a penny. On this subject he tulating-but proceed to read his Amendread the following passage from a Speech ment, which was as follows:-" That this of Lord Chatham, on the question of the "Court and the Country at large have Falkland Islands :"upon all occasions evinced their loyalty "There is a set of men, my Lords, in" and attachment to his Majesty's Person "the City of London, who are known to "and Family, and duly impressed with a |