close the door to this objection it suffices to remember what we have said about the causes of war, which, not being considerable, for the reasons given above, there is nothing which can occasion the rupture of a Peace. Nevertheless, to prevent the inconveniences of this, it would be necessary to choose a city where all sovereigns should perpetually have their ambassadors, in order that the differences which might arise should be settled by the judgment of the whole assembly. The ambassadors of those who would be interested would plead there the grievances of their masters, and the other deputies would judge concerning them without prejudice ("passion"). And to give more authority to the judgment, advice also should be taken from the great republics, who would likewise have their agents in the same place. I say 'great republics,' like those of the Venetians and the Swiss, and not those small lordships (seigneuries) which cannot maintain themselves, and depend upon the protection of another. So that if any one should refuse to abide by the award of such a notable company, he would incur the disapprobation of all the other princes, who would find satisfactory means of bringing him to reason. Then the most suitable place for such an assembly is the territory of Venice, because it is practically neutral and indifferent towards all princes; added to this, it is near the most important monarchies of the earth-those of the Pope, the two Emperors, and the King of Spain. It is not far from France, Tartary, Muscovy, Poland, England, and Denmark. As for Persia, China, Ethiopia, and the East and West Indies, they are lands far distant, but navigation remedies that inconvenience, and for such a good object a long voyage would not be declined."

VIII. THE UNIVERSAL UNION.

Crucé contemplated a universal union that should include even Persia, China, Ethiopia, the West Indies, the East Indies, indeed all the world. A delicate question presented itself, how to determine the order of rank and precedence. Without fixing anything, he suggested a solution which is worth the trouble of reporting.

muables, et les actiōs des hommes de ce temps n'obligent pas leurs successeurs. Pour clorre le passage à ceste obiection, il suffit se rememorer de ce que nous avōs dit touchant les causes de la guerre, lesquelles n'estans pas considerables pour les raisons cy-dessus alleguees, il n'y a rie qui puisse occasionner la rupture d'une paix. Neantmoins, pour en prevenir les inconveniens, il seroit necessaire de choisir une ville où tous les Souverains eussent perpetuellement leurs ambassadeurs, afin que les differés qui pourroient survenir fussent vuidez par le iugement de toute l'assemblee. Les ambassadeurs de ceux qui seroient interrez exposeroient là les plaintes de leurs maistres, et les autres deputez en iugeroient sans passions. Et pour authoriser d'avantage le iugement, on prendroit advis des grandes Republiques, qui auroiēt aussi en ce mesme endroiet leurs agens. Ie dis grandes Republiques, comme celle des Venitiens et des Suisses, et nō pas ces petites Seigneuries, qui ne se peuvent maintenir d'elles mesmes, et dependent de la protection d'autruy. Que si quelqu'en cōtrevenoit à l'arrest d'une si notable cōpagnie, il encourroit la disgrace de tous les autres Princes, qui auroient beau moyen de le faire venir à la raison. Or le lieu le plus commode pour une telle assemblee c'est le territoire de Venise, pource qu'il est come neutre et indifferent à tous Princes; ioinct aussi qu'il est proche des plus signalees Monarchies de la terre, de celles du Pape, des deux Empereurs, et du Roy d'Hespagne. Il n'est pas loing de Frace, de Tartarie, Moschouie, Polongne, Angleterre et Dannemarch. Quant à la Perse, la Chine, l'Ethiopie, et Indes orientales et occidentales, ce sont pays bien reculez, mais la navigation supplee ceste incommodité, et pour un si bon subiect, on ne doibt point refuser un long voyage.-(Le Nouveau Cynée, pages 60-61.)

VIII.—L'UNion Universelle.

L'union proposée par Eméric Crucé est universel'e. Elle embrasse tous les pays y compris la Perse, la Chine, l'Ethiopie, les Indes occcidentales et orientales. Une question délicate se présente: comment régler le rang et la préséance. Sans rien im

The order which, according to him, it might be convenient to adopt was as follows:

First.-The Pope. Among the motives adduced is the respect due to ancient Rome.

Second. The Sultan of Turkey, because of "the majesty, power, and happiness of his empire," and also on account of the memory of the ancient Eastern Empire, of which Constantinople was the capital.

Third. The Christian Emperor.

Fourth.-The King of France.

Fifth.-The King of Spain.

Sixth. Then the claims of the Kings of Persia and China, of Prester John the Precop (sic) of Tartary, and the Grand Duke of Muscovy have to be arranged.

Next the importance and order of precedence of the Kings of Great Britain, Poland, Denmark, Sweden, Japan, and Morocco, the Great Mogul, and the other monarchs of India and Africa equally demanded attention. They are advised to refer to the judgment of the other princes, and then, if the opinion be equal, he proposes to remit the final decision to the agents of the republics. He indicates, however, other expedients, and proposes specially to give the first place to the first comer, or to the oldest, or again à tour de rôle.

IX. THE INITIATIVE.

Crucé was not blind to the fact that if some one did not take the initiative the projects of permanent Peace and free trade could never be realised. In his opinion there were two potentates

who could broach the subject to the sovereigns of the world-the Pope to the Christian princes and the King of France to the Mohammedan rulers, for he alone had credit and reputation among them.

Crucé wrote: "Only let them publish Peace, By Order of the King These words will make them drop their arms from their hands."

References:

Etudes de Droit International et de Droit Politique, by Ernest Nys.

London and Paris: 1896.

Emeric Crucé, by Thomas Willing Balch. Philadelphia: 1900.

poser, l'auteur suggère une solution. Elle vaut la peine d'être rapportée. Voici l'ordre qu'il conviendrait, selon lui, d'adopter: 1o Le pape. Parmi les motifs invoqués figure le respect dû à la Rome antique ;

2o L'empereur des Turcs.

Motifs La majesté, puissance et félicité de son empire." Autre motif, le souvenir de l'ancien empire d'Orient, dont Constantinople fut la capitale;

3o L'empereur chrétien;

4o Le roi de France;

5o Le roi d'Espagne ;

6o Ici, la position est à débattre entre les rois de Perse, de la Chine, le prêtre Jean, le Precop (sic) de Tartarie, et le Grand duc de Moscovie.

Les rois de la Grande-Bretagne, de Pologne, de Danemark, de Suède, de Japon, de Maroc, le Grand Mogol, et les autres monarques des Indes et d'Afrique pourront contester également au sujet de la préséance. Il leur est conseillé de s'en rapporter au jugement des autres princes, et, s'il y a balance égale, l'auteur propose de remettre la décision finale aux agents des républiques. Il signale, du reste, d'autres expédients et propose notamment d'attribuer la première place au premier arrivé, ou bien au plus ancien, ou bien encore à tour de rôle.

IX.-L'INITIATIVE.

Crucé ne se cache point que si quelqu'un ne prend l'initiative, les projets de paix perpétuelle et de liberté commerciale ne pourront jamais se réaliser ; à son avis, deux hommes peuvent s'entremettre auprès des chefs d'Etat; le pape pour les princes chrétiens et le roi de France pour les mahométans, car celui-ci a seul crédit et réputation auprès de ces derniers. Il écrit: "Qu'on publie seulement la paix De par le Roy! Ces paroles leur feront tomber les armes des mans."-(Le Nouveau Cynée, page 81.)

D

A SOCIETY OF SOVEREIGNS.

BY ERNEST LANDGRAVE OF HESSE-RHEINFels, 1666.

It is interesting to find that another sovereign than Henry IV.—a German prince-though of less dignity, followed the same course. "The late Landgrave, Ernest of Hesse-Rheinfels," says Leibnitz in his Observations, "who had commanded armies with distinction in the great German war, after the Peace of Westphalia betook himself to religious controversy and literary culture. He then left the Protestants, brought about a disputation between Father Valeriano Magni, a Capuchin monk, and Doctor Habercorn, a celebrated theologian of the Confession of Augsburg, and, during his leisure, which he signalised by incognito travels, he occupied himself with writing several works in German, French, and Italian, which he had printed and gave to his friends. The most important of these was in German, and was entitled The Discreet Catholic, in which he reasoned freely, and often very judiciously, on subjects of theological controversy. But since this book contained some delicate passages, he communicated it to very few persons, but he made an abridgment of it which appeared in booksellers' shops. There was in this book a project similar to that of the Abbé St. Pierre, which was published nearly half a century later; but this did not appear in the abridgment.

"The Tribunal of the Society of Sovereigns' was to be established at Lucerne. Although I had the honour of being acquainted with this prince for only a short time before his death, he confided to me his long cherished ideas, and entrusted ine with a copy of this work, which is very rare.

"But I confess that the authority of Henry IV. is worth more than all the rest. And although he may be suspected of having