Foreign Relations of the United States: 1969-1976, V. 1: Foundations of Foreign Policy, 1969-1972
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This volume is part of a subseries of volumes of the Foreign Relations series that documents the most important issues in the foreign policy of the administration of Richard M. Nixon. The subseries will present a documentary record of major foreign policy decisions and actions of President Nixon's administration. This volume documents the intellectual assumptions underlying the foreign policy decisions made by the administration.
President Nixon had a strong interest in foreign policy and he and his assistant for National Security Affairs, Henry Kissinger managed many of the more important aspects of foreign policy from the White House. Nixon and Kissinger shared a well-defined general perception of world affairs. The editors of the volume sought to present a representative selection of documents chosen to develop the primary intellectual themes that ran through and animated the administration's foreign policy. The documents selected focus heavily upon the perspectives of Nixon and Kissinger but also include those of Secretary of State Rogers, Secretary of Defense Laird, Under Secretary of State Richardson and others.
High school students and above may be interested in this volume for research on U.S. foreign policy and the Richard Nixon administration. Additionally, political scientists, and international relations scholars may also be interested in this volume. High School, academic, and public libraries should include this primary source reference in foreign policy, social studies, and U.S. history collections.
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Krieger of Argentina , probably the ablest of Latin America's economic ministers , puts the case this way : “ You Americans should be more blunt in attaching conditions to your aid programs . Of course , the recipients aren't going to ...
... as many would simplistically have it , rushing to grant recognition to Peking , to admit it to the United Nations and to ply it with offers of trade — all of which would serve to confirm its rulers in their present course .
Clearly , neither of these courses would be acceptable to the United States or to its Asian allies . Others argue that we should seek an ... in Soviet participation , such a course would inevitably carry connotations of Europe vs.
It seeks to keep an opponent from a given course by posing unacceptable risks . For purposes of deterrence , the opponent's calculations are decisive . A bluff taken seriously is more useful than a serious threat interpreted as a bluff ...
Thus , whatever the course - a continuation of the arms race or arms control — a new look at American national security policy is essential . Over ten years have passed since the last comprehensive , bipartisan , high - level ...