more pleasure in honouring. Further evidence of the spread of Republican principles was discernible in the fact that several of the Burgesses appeared in the uniform of the recently-instituted provincial troops-a hunting-shirt, of coarse linen, thrown over their ordinary clothes, and a woodman's axe by their sides. After transacting some purely local business, the Burgesses proceeded to consider the conciliatory proposals of Lord North. While they were thus engaged, the Governor, Lord Dunmorewho had previously sent in an apology for his removal of the colonial gunpowder-received an express from General Gage, informing him of his intention to issue a proclamation proscribing Samuel Adams and John Hancock. Fearing that this fact, when generally known in Virginia, would create so great a commotion as to endanger his life, or at least his liberty, Dunmore hastily withdrew, during the night of June 7th, to the Fowey man-of-war, then lying at York. The Burgesses, five days later, addressed to him their answer to the proposals of the British Government. They averred that, next to the possession of liberty, they desired most a reconciliation with the mother country, but that the resolution of the House of Commons only changed the form of oppression without lightening its burden. They added that the British Parliament had no right to meddle with their constitution, or prescribe either the number or the pecuniary appointments of their officers; that they had a right to give their money without coercion, and from time to time; that they alone were the judges, alike of the public exigencies and of the ability of the people; that they contended not merely for the mode of raising their money, but for the freedom of granting it; that the resolve to forbear levying pecuniary taxes still left unrepealed the Acts restraining trade, altering the form of government of Massachusetts, changing the government of Quebec, enlarging the jurisdiction of Courts of Admiralty, taking away trial by jury, and keeping up standing armies; that the invasion of the colonies with large armaments by sea and land was a style of asking gifts not reconcilable to freedom; that the resolution did not propose to the colonies to lay open a free trade with all the world; that, as it involved the interest of all the other colonies, they were bound in honour to share one fate with them; that the Bill of Lord Chatham on the one part, and the terms of Congress on the other, would have formed a basis for negotiation and reconciliation; but that, leaving the final determination of the question to the General Congress, they were now determined to weary the King with petitions, nor the British nation with any

no more

*

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more appeals. The author of this important State paper-which Lord Shelburne described as masterly -was Thomas Jefferson, afterwards third President of the United States, one of the most remarkable of the revolutionary leaders of that time; a man of keen, practical intellect, of strong sense and judg ment, sceptical in religion, yet with a firm faith in political justice and the rights of humanity. Having produced his reply to the proposals of the English Government, Jefferson left Williamsburg for Philadelphia, to assist in the deliberation of the Continental Congress.

Gage, in his capacity as Governor of Massachusetts, now began to assume a bolder tone towards the insurgents, feeling, probably, that since the arrival of reinforcements he was in a better position to make his power felt. He accordingly issued, on the 12th of June, a proclamation offering a general pardon to all who should forthwith lay down their arms, and return to the habits and duties of peaceable subjects, but excepting from this act of grace Samuel Adams and John Hancock, whose offences, it was stated, were "of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration than that of condign punishment." The same proclamation announced the operation of martial law in Massachusetts as long as the unhappy occasion should require. About the same period, Gage wrote a despatch to Lord Dartmouth, the Colonial Minister, requesting him to concentrate at Boston fifteen thousand men, of whom a part might be hunters, Canadians, and Indians; to send ten thousand more to New York; and to despatch an additional seven thousand composed of regulars, Canadians, and Indians, for service in the vicinity of Lake Champlain. It had come to the knowledge of Gage that certain savages domiciled in Massachusetts had been in communication with the camp before Boston; and he therefore felt the less scruple in looking for aid to the same source. The Americans had undoubtedly made advances to the red men as possible allies against the English Government: how far they were justified in so doing by the fact of similar advances having been previously contemplated, although perhaps not actually made, by the representatives of the Crown, is a nice point of casuistry, which will never find a satisfactory solution as long as the morals of such questions are obscured by partisan feeling.

On the same day that Gage issued his proclamation, the Continental Congress published an appeal to the people of the twelve united colonies, enjoining them to keep a fast on one and the same day,

*Bancroft.

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when they were to recognise " King George III. as their rightful sovereign, and to look up to the supreme and universal superintending Providence of the great Governor of the world for a gracious interposition of heaven for the restoration of the invaded rights of America, and a reconciliation with the parent State." It may, without any considerable violation of charity, be doubted whether this injunction was not rather a politic keeping up of appearances than a sincere expression of feeling. A British historian of America, very favourably inclined towards the colonists, has pithily and pertinently observed that "it is a general practice of mankind, and the peculiar policy of Governments, to veil the most implacable animosity, and the most decisive martial purpose, under a show of professions more than ordinarily forbearing and pacific; nor can any proclamation be more ominous of violence than that in which a kingdom or commonwealth judges it expedient to vaunt its own moderation."*

The patriotic party very naturally desired to stand favourably with the European Powers; it was their policy to put themselves in the position of affectionate subjects who desired nothing so much as to retain their connection with the mother country, but who were being goaded into separation by the obstinacy and cruel oppression of the Imperial Government. Their acts, however, were not in harmony with this assumption. They continued to insist on conditions which they knew that England would not grant. They were aware that civil war had already begun in the north; they themselves were making preparations for carrying on that war with the utmost possible vigour; and they were fostering the sense of injury out of which the desire for complete independence was taking shape. Individual members of Congress may have truly wished for a peaceful solution of all difficulties, and a perpetuation of the old relations between England and her colonial possessions; but such was not by this time the feeling of the country generally (though doubtless the dissentients were numerous), nor, it is to be suspected, was it the real aspiration of Congress as a whole. It had not been the drift of the leading New Englanders for some years.

The degree of insincerity thus apparent in the proceedings of Congress is not greater than what is usually observable in the policy of States when conducting difficult negotiations with other Powers. The representatives of the American colonies were persuaded of the justice of their cause, but they had to struggle with a Government possessed of

* Grahame, Book XI., chap. 4.

immense resources. It was essential that they should gain time, and it was desirable that they should preserve before the world the credit of meekness and much-suffering-of reluctance to sever old ties, and tenderness in the cherishing of old memories. But the quarrel had been envenomed past cure, and it would be idle to blame the Americans for taking every measure to ensure success in the trial of strength that had become inevitable. It would be equally idle to condemn the English Government for accepting a defiance which could not be evaded, and making a supreme effort for the retention of a magnificent colonial empire which was slipping from their grasp.

Intelligence of what had happened at Lexington and Concord reached England at the end of May. The astonishment and anger which it created may easily be imagined. We have seen in our own day how fierce an outburst of national spirit was evoked by the uprising of the native races of Hindostan in 1857. Very similar, though it is to be hoped less ferocious, was the feeling of Englishmen in 1775 towards their rebellious brethren in America. There were exceptions, however. at the earlier as well as at the later date. The celebrated Admiral Keppel begged not to be employed in the colonies. The Recorder of London put on a full suit of mourning on hearing the news, and, being asked if he had lost a relative or friend. replied, "Yes; many brothers at Lexington and Concord." Lord Effingham, who had been a military officer since youth, threw up his profession to avoid the misery of fighting against his brethren, in the justice of whose cause he believed; and Lord Chatham, at a somewhat later date, with drew his eldest son from the army of Canada, where he had been serving as aide-de-camp to the Governor. But the chief seat of disaffection towards the policy of the King and the Cabinet -which must also be described as the policy of Parliament, and probably of the majority of the nation-was the City of London. The citizens had been in opposition for some years, and had recently elected John Wilkes to the chief magistracy: indeed, a certain habit of antagonism to the Crown is one of the traditions of the grest English municipality. On the 24th of June, the citizens of London voted an address to the soTEreign, praying for the dissolution of Parliament and the dismissal of Ministe prayed once before. The this address on the thr never presented, the City pertinacity which was ought to be so rece

Royal proclamation was issued for the suppression of rebellion and sedition in America, and for the prevention of traitorous correspondence with that country, Wilkes would not allow the mace to be carried before the authorities whose duty it was to read the proclamation in front of the Royal Exchange, nor the usual forms of respect to be observed. At the close of the reading, a hiss was raised among the crowd; but it is a matter of some doubt whether the expression of feeling should be charged on the citizens generally, or simply on Wilkes's own partisans. However this may be, it is certain that loyal addresses, promising support against the insurgents, flowed in from every part of the kingdom--even from the great seats of industry and commerce, such as Manchester and Liverpool.

None the less was the situation embarrassing and difficult in the highest degree Lord North, with the humanity for which he was always distinguished, hesitated about taking active measures against the rebels, and desired to resign, but was compelled by the King to remain at the head of the Government. George himself knew not what to do, yet was still determined to prosecute the war with vigour.

The chief trouble was to procure troops sufficient to operate in so large a country against an enemy so numerous. At one time the King thought of subsidising Russia, and thus obtaining the assistance of a Muscovite army to suppress the aspirations and fetter the liberty of Anglo-Americans. But, as this arrangement could not be carried out with sufficient celerity, it was for awhile abandoned (though we shall see it

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revived further on), and regard was mainly had to such elements of coercion as were supposed to exist in America itself. The Highlanders in North Carolina might, it was thought, be induced to fight against the native Americans. In Virginia, the red man and the negro were to be armed against the whites; and muskets, cannon, powder, and ball were sent out in large quantities to Dunmore for distribution by him. The Indians of Canada were asked for help; and thus the aborigines of North America, whose ancestors had been deprived of their inheritance by the superior energy of European races, found themselves solicited as allies by two antagonistic branches of the nation from which they had chiefly suffered. While these matters were being considered, Richard Penn brought over from Pennsylvania the petition from Congress to the King, to which the Americans had given the title of "the Olive Branch;" and on the 1st of September he delivered it for presentation to Lord Dartmouth. Three days later, he was informed by letter that no answer would be given. The Congress was an illegal assembly, held against the sovereign's express injunction; it had sanctioned and directed the taking up of arts against his Majesty; and its existence, in the opinion of the King and his Ministers, could not be recognised. The refusal of this address removed the last chance of a pacific settlement; but we can hardly wonder at the fact. The insubordination of the Americans had long rendered an accommodation difficult; their resort to civil war at Lexington and Concord had made it impossible.

SEVERAL Weeks before the day on which the King intimated, through Lord Dartmouth, that the second petition of Congress could not be received,

*Earl Stanhope's History of England, chap. 53.

an event had happened which made amicable arrangements all the more improbable. The armed collisions at Lexington and Concord had been fol-lowed by an action of a much more serious character, the effect of which was necessarily to