favour, while 69 were ranged against it. The original motion was then affirmed by 76 to 33. Considerable opposition to employment of foreign troops in Gibraltar and Minorca was manifested in both Houses, and Lord North was compelled to promise a reconsideration of the matter, which, however, was ultimately allowed to proceed without further hindrance.

The defection of the Duke of Grafton was followed by his retirement from office. At his final interview with the King, he bluntly stated that Ministers were deluded themselves, and were deluding his Majesty. "The King," he writes in his Memoirs, "vouchsafed to debate the business much at large. He informed me that a large body of

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German troops was to join our forces, and appeared astonished when I answered earnestly that his Majesty would find too late that twice that number would only increase the disgrace, and never effect his purpose." The Earl of Dartmouth succeeded the Duke of Grafton as Lord Privy Seal, and was himself followed in the Colonial Administration by Lord George Germaine. Lord Rochford, the Secretary of State for the Southern Department, which had charge of the chief foreign affairs, resigned about the same time, and was succeeded by Lord Weymouth; and thus, in November, 1775, the English Government prepared for its grand struggle with the young and fiery commonwealths of America.

THE King's Proclamation, denouncing the American malcontents as rebels, and requiring all loyal subjects to transmit information of traitorous designs to one of the Secretaries of State, reached the New World a few weeks after its publication in England, which was on the 23rd of August. It was received in New England with anger and derision, and deepened the resolve of all the popular leaders to declare the independence of the country. There was nothing in the Proclamation more than might reasonably have been expected under the circumstances. Though severe, it contained no passage that could be described as cruel or ferocious. But it excited the most fiery indignation in Massachusetts; for it is an invariable characteristic of insurgents and conspirators to claim for themselves the utmost liberty of opposition, and, at the same time, to condemn as an abnormal exhibition of human wickedness any act of retaliation, or even of self-protection, on the part of authority. James Warren, the Speaker of the Massachusetts Legislature, wrote to Samuel Adams, at Philadelphia, that the Proclamation would put an end to petitioning, and that the country would now expect of the Continental Congress a declaration of

independence, and treaties with foreign Powers. Joseph Hawley gave it as his opinion that it was time to order an annual election of Congress, and to form a Parliament of two Houses. Washingtonwho had hired vessels, manned them, and caused the capture of ships laden with stores for the British army-earnestly desired of Congress the establishment of prize courts for the condemnation of whatever might be seized; and the Massachusetts Assembly passed an Act to encourage the fittingout of armed vessels, and for the creation of such tribunals.

It was the 1st of November when the Proclamation became known to the Continental Congress at Philadelphia. Abandoning their mood of hesitation, the delegates now resolved to act on the petitions of those provinces which desired to institute Governments of their own. Wentworth, the Governor of New Hampshire, having left his post, the people of that colony requested of Congress that they might be allowed to provide for the administration of their affairs, which had fallen into extreme disorder; and the prayer was granted. South Carolina was permitted to act in the same way. In both cases, the new Governments were

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to exist only during the continuance of the dispute between Great Britain and her American possessions; but it must by this time have been almost universally perceived that the approaching struggle could eventuate in nothing but the entire independence of America, or its complete subjugation. While Congress was thus adopting revolutionary measures in the capital of Pennsylvania, the Legislature of that colony was still preserving the loyal attitude which it had, for the most part, exhibited throughout the dispute. The Quakers, though no longer omnipotent, were still powerful in the province, and, by coalescing with the proprietary body, they impressed on the policy of the State very many of their own characteristics. The Pennsyl

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These instructions, of course, applied to the whole body of Pennsylvanian delegates, including Franklin, who certainly paid little heed to that part of them which directed the representatives of the province to oppose and utterly reject any propositions tending to a separation from the mother country, or a change in the form of government.

The course thus followed by Pennsylvania had very important results. Delaware, New Jersey, and Maryland were induced, by the example thus held out, to place themselves with equal emphasis in opposition to the extreme revolutionists, who were manifestly working for an independent Republic. It was now seen that, however general the demand for a redress of actual grievances, the

vanian Legislature still exacted of its members that they should observe all the usual qualifications, including the promise of allegiance. Franklin had by this time so completely broken with the old country that, rather than make this promise, he declined to take his seat in the provincial Parliament, to which he had been elected by a combination of the Irish and the Presbyterians. In the Continental Congress he was not required to bind himself by any such declaration, and in that body he could represent his Pennsylvanian constituents without outraging either their convictions or his

own.

On the 4th of November he was again elected to Congress by the Pennsylvanian Legis lature, together with eight others, of whom one was too ill to serve, while the rest were all supporters of the Throne, though they were instructed to demand a redress of grievances, and a repeal of oppressive measures of the British Parliament.

the

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desire for a dissolution of old ties was not equally strong in all parts of the Confederation. England, Virginia, and many of the southern provinces, were ripe for independence; New York was coquetting with the same idea; but in other quarters-especially in the Royal and Proprietary Governments-the feeling was far from general. In those localities it was probably less in November than it had been in May, when the second Continental Congress met. Moderate politicians had been startled by the extreme principles professed by some, and were possibly a little alarmed at the consequences of open rebellion. At the same time, the Pennsylvanians were not at all disposed to omit a reasonable and proper degree of preparation for the state of war, which might, after all, become inevitable. The Legislature approved the military association of all whose religious scruples did not stand in the way, and appropriated £80,000,

in provincial paper money, to meet all necessary

expenses.

Franklin was greatly angered at the temporising policy of the Quaker colony, and he enlisted on the side of the Separatists a writer who was now beginning to attract attention to himself. This was Thomas Paine, an Englishman settled in America, whose name at the present day is chiefly associated with the boldness of his speculations on religion. Paine was a native of Thetford, in Norfolk, where he was born in January, 1737. His father was a Quaker, who brought up the son to his own business of stay-making. Thomas Paine subsequently became an exciseman; and about 1772 made the acquaintance of Franklin, then in London, by whom he was advised to go to America. Adopting this suggestion, he took up his residence at Philadelphia in 1774, and in the following year was editing the Philadelphia Magazine. Several years later, in the days of the French Revolution, Tom Paine, as he is generally designated, by way of burlesquing democratic bluntness, was personally mixed up with that prodigious movement, and scandalised a large proportion of his countrymen by the publication of his two best-known works, "The Rights of Man," and "The Age of Reason." The object of the former is to proclaim the principles of democracy; of the latter, to deny the truth and value of the Christian system. Whether he derived these views from his association with Franklin, or whether he developed them entirely from his own reflections, his political ideas were of a character rather to promote his fortunes in America than to injure them, and his views on religion had not been openly declared, perhaps were not fully formed, in 1775.

As the Pennsylvanian Legislature hesitated, the Continental Congress grew more determined and resolute. It appointed a secret committee to import gunpowder, field-pieces, and small arms, and to export provisions or produce to the foreign West Indies, in exchange for those materials of war. It adopted rules for the government of the American navy, which as yet had scarcely any existence, except in design; directed the enlistment of two battalions of marines; authorised the colonists to seize all ships employed as carriers for the British fleet or army; and sanctioned tribunals for the confiscation of their cargoes.* It was proposed by a Maryland delegate-who certainly went far beyond the feelings generally prevalent in his provincethat envoys should be sent to France, with condi

Bancroft.

tional instructions; but the motion was rejected. Nevertheless, Harrison, Franklin, Johnson, Dickin son, and Jay, were appointed a secret committe for corresponding with any persons in Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world, who might be favourable to the American cause; and funds were appropriated for the payment of agents. These were all acts practically establishing an independent Government, though the absolute Declaration of Independence was still delayed. The leaders of the popular party had already declared that the people are the source and origin of power; and this doctrine grew in favour with all who supported colonial rights. The doctrine is so reasonable, so just, and so beneficent-so essential to anything like a distinct foundation for modern Governments, which can never again plead the mediæval figment of a Divine Right in monarchs

that it is impossible to quarrel with any method of giving it utterance. But it had very little to do with the quarrel between England and her colonies. To introduce it into the discussion was like raising a false issue to conceal the true one. The question was not whether the authentic source of power be in the sovereign or the people; it was not, primarily, whether a Monarchy or a Republic be the better form of government. It was simply a question touching the rights of parent States over their colonies; in what degree they were limited; or whether, indeed, they had any existence at all, or any limits at all. George III., with his notions on the Royal prerogative, may have mixed up with the general elements of the question a strong sense of his own personal authority; but ho was really fighting the battle of the Parliament much more than that of the Throne. Essentially, the struggle was between the English State and a number of distant dependencies-a struggle which could only have been avoided by each side abating somewhat of its extreme pretensions. The King, however passionately he may have stood forward as champion on the English side, was only an accident in the war of opposing principles.

It has been seen that the English people, for the most part, supported the Government in its deter mination to put forth the full power of the country for the suppression of American rebellion. The Op position, however, gave trouble; and the feeling is some quarters was so strongly pronounced against the Ministerial policy that insurrectionary movements were feared. Wilkes openly declared, at a public banquet, that the King and he were enemies, and that time would show in what direction heads were to fall. A rumour at one time prevailed that seven or eight members of the Opposition would le

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sent to the Tower; but no such arbitrary and fatal step was taken. An American residing in London, however, was despatched for safe custody to that ancient fortress which is associated with so many dark pages of English history. Stephen Sayre, a merchant from the New World, was suspected a very daring plot, more in harmony with the days of Charles II. than with those of George III. It was sworn by an officer of the Guards that Mr. Sayre had told him he intended to seize the King at noon-day on his way to open Parliament, to carry him out of the kingdom, occupy the Tower, and constitute a new Government. Although, on the strength of this affidavit, Sayre was committed to the Tower by the Southern Secretary, Lord Rochford, he was set at liberty after five days' detention, the alleged plot being considered too incredible for belief, or too hopeless of success to inspire any alarm. The American afterwards brought an action against Lord Rochford for false imprisonment, and obtained a verdict for £1,000.

A much more serious matter than the Opposition in Parliament, or the plots, real or supposed, of political adventurers, was the difficulty of filling the regiments. Recruiting went on slowly; it was evident that the service was not popular. The Government sought for aid in various directions, and did not consider the small contributions of Holland and the minor German States beneath notice, if only they could be secured. But the great object of hope was Russia. During the summer, the Empress had conveyed to Gunning, the British Minister at her court, some words expressive of unbounded devotion to the King of England and his interests, which Gunning not unnaturally construed into an offer of troops, especially as they were sent in response to a request, on his part, for that species of assistance. These words he reported to his Government; and George wrote to Catharine a letter, in which he said that he accepted the succour which her Majesty had proffered, and would never forget the obligation. Gunning was therefore directed to solicit an audience of the Empress, and to request a force of twenty thousand disciplined infantry, to embark for Canada, where they would be under the orders of the British Commander-in-Chief. So confident were Ministers that this assistance would be rendered, that they wrote off to Howe and Carleton, announcing the speedy arrival of ample reinforcements. They also despatched a courier to the British Minister at Moscow, with the draft of a treaty for taking Russian troops into the pay and service of England. The treaty was to be in force for two years,

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and a subsidy to the Empress was talked of. But the Northern Sovereign had never really intended what her words certainly appeared to suggest; or, if such had been her meaning at the instant of speaking, she had soon altered her mind. On the 10th of September, in the course of an interview with Gunning, she dilated on the advisability of the English monarch bringing his quarrel with the Americans to an end as speedily as possible, and hinted at conciliation as a very necessary element in the adjustment of the difficulty. After some interviews with the Russian Ministers, Gunning conveyed the autograph letter to her Majesty, who, in reply, sent a message, professing warm friendship to the King of England, but saying that she had great repugnance to her troops being employed in America. Her answer to the King's letter— written by the pen of her secretary, and only signed by herself-contained a specific statement of her refusal to grant the required aid, and bluntly added that it would derogate from her dignity to send a body of troops into another hemisphere, to help in suppressing a rebellion which was not supported by any foreign Power. The pride of Catharine had doubtless been hurt by the proposal to put her soldiers in the position of mercenaries, who were to act at the bidding of a British General. Certainly, Russia had no interest in the matter; but the conduct of the Empress was capricious, if it did not amount to an absolute breach of faith.

George III. was justly offended with the conduct of his fellow-sovereign, and with the manner in which her refusal was expressed. He now looked all the more to the German principalities for help, and again considered the project of rousing the Highlanders of North Carolina, and the loyal portion of the population in the middle and southern provinces. It was determined to send off large reinforcements in December, and to concentrate the army at New York, as a means of securing the central colonies, and guarding the connection with Canada. Lord Barrington, the Secretary-at-War, protested against the idea of these troops marching up the country: he feared the results of such a step in the existing state of America; and he proposed, as a substitute, the starving-out of the colonists by a naval blockade. Such was the military position when the King opened Parliament. The political events which attended the meeting of the two Houses have been related; but the personal cha

racter of the new Ministers should receive some

attention. Lord Weymouth, the Southern Secretary, had been in office before, and was noted for his qualities as a boon companion, and his devotion