THE German troops, obtained for service in America by the agents of George III., numbered seventeen thousand men. Of these mercenaries, the Landgrave of Hesse furnished twelve thousand, while the Duke of Brunswick and other petty sovereigns supplied five thousand. A more cold-blooded contract was never signed. To England it was discreditable; to the German Powers concerned it was disgraceful. For so much money, a number of rational beings, leaving behind them, in many instances, wives, families, and parents, were driven to the slaughter in a cause which to them had either no interest at all, or an interest the very reverse of what they were sent to support; and this was done simply that a number of disreputable princes might put the price of blood into their pockets. Frederick the Great of Prussia-not a very scrupulous man where anything was to be attainedspoke with just indignation of the abominable traffic; and it is related that, whenever any of these miserable hirelings had occasion to pass through his territory, he levied on them the usual toll for cattle, since, as he observed, they had been sold as such. A similar feeling was entertained by many in England. When the treaties were debated in Parliament, on the 29th of February, 1776, several speakers gave expression, on various grounds, to a sentiment of extreme dissatisfaction at the bargain which had been struck. Some condemned it as scandalously immoral; others as financially extravagant; others again as impolitic, seeing that the American Congress had now been set the example of applying to foreign Powers. It was objected that the King of England had assured the dominions of the contracting rulers against foreign attacks during the period that their troops would be employed in America; and to some of the Opposition it appeared not improbable that the Germans, on arriving in the colonies, would be induced to accept lands, and would then turn their arms against the Government which had engaged them. Despite these criticisms, the treaties were ratified by large

majorities in both Houses. majorities in both Houses. In the Commons, a

motion put forward by Colonel Barré was carried, for an address to his Majesty to equip the German troops with British manufactures; and, in the Lords, the Duke of Richmond moved an address to countermand all foreign troops, and to forego hostilities a proposal which was of course negatived. The debate in the Upper Chamber was signalised by a speech from Earl Temple, who, dissenting in this respect from the well-known views of his brother-in-law and former colleague, Lord Chatham, described the conduct of the Opp sition as factious, and of a nature to encourage rebellion in America.

Reinforcements of some kind were certainly needed, and Howe looked for them with impatience. He desired to shift his quarters to New York; ho wished to send out two expeditions, one for the reduction of the Carolinas, another for the relief of Quebec; but for a long time he could attempt little, owing to want of troops. The insurgents had the country very nearly at their mercy, for there was no British army in the field to oppose them The New York militia, in the course of January. overpowered the Highlanders of the Mohawk Valley, who had taken up arms on behalf of the Crown. Much was expected from these scattered bodies of Highlanders, but very little was accomaplished. Martin, the Governor of North Carolina. endeavoured to raise the Scotchmen of that pro vince, together with certain riotously-disposed mer called Regulators, from their attempting to regulate the administration of justice in the remote settlements after a summary fashion of their own; and by the help of this combined force, it was hopsi that the country might be re-conquered for the King. But the attempt ended in a damagi, e failure. At the close of February, the loyal troops, if such they can be called, were dispersed, after a sanguinary fight at a nearly-demolished bridge over Moore's Creek, in which the Americans on the ot side, and the Highlanders on the other, behaved

1776.]

with conspicuous gallantry, resolution, and daring. The most numerous supporters of the British connection were still to be found in the province of New York, the eastern counties of which contained a very considerable party opposed to the designs of the revolutionists. The proximity of a powerful fleet gave confidence to the loyal; yet in the capital itself the patriotic leaders made their influence felt, and, while advising a policy of moderation as far as words were concerned, lost no opportunity of collecting warlike stores, and in every way preparing for the day of battle. Ships were despatched to St. Eustatia to purchase powder,

217

was in great danger from the Tories, and that Connecticut volunteers were ready to march thither, and disarm all who desired submission to the parent State. Before the design could be carried out, the New York Convention, acting on a similar feeling of what was necessary, had requested the Continental Congress to authorise the colonial committees to deprive of their weapons all who were suspected of favouring the Royal cause. This was done in the final days of January, and those who had given offence, by voting against sending deputies to the New York Congress, were similarly treated, with the entire concurrence of the New

and they were not intercepted by the British squadron, the commanders of which seem to have thought it wiser to refrain from active hostilities while there was yet a chance of compromise, and while they were still too weak to undertake any decisive operations.

The doubtful position of New York gave great offence to some eager spirits, one of whom, named Isaac Sears, recruited a party of horsemen in Connecticut, and rifled the office of a printer in the city of New York who was known to be a supporter of Tory views. The act was of course very generally denounced as a gross infringement of provincial rights; and even men who were far from being loyally inclined, condemned such an invasion of one colony by another. Sears then went to the camp at Cambridge, where he represented that New York 71-VOL. II.

York authorities. It is evident from these facts that a good deal of terrorism was brought to bear on the loyal section of the people; that the expression of opinion was not free; and that the right of voting itself could only be exercised on the side of the dominant party of revolutionists. But the matter really went much farther; for, early in January, Sears had persuaded General Lee that the Connecticut men should be despatched to New York, and Lee had gained the consent of Washington to this outrageous piece of interference. Washington, whose own inclinations were not generally of a despotic character, was moved to sanction the scheme, partly by the report that Clinton was about to leave Boston on an expedition against New York, and partly by the arguments of John Adams, who pronounced the suggestions of Sears to be practicable,

expedient, and just. Moreover, the American Commander-in-Chief was unaware that measures for effecting the same object had already been adopted, at the instance of New York itself.

Lee was so much in love with the plan that he obtained the conduct of it, and set forth with injunctions from Washington to be ruled in all things by the intentions of Congress, and to communicate with the New York Committee of Safety. To the latter body Washington himself wrote, alleging that the object of General Lee's expedition was "to put the city of New York in the best posture of defence" (against the contemplated attack of the British) "which the season and circumstances would admit of." In his instructions to Lee, however, allusion is also made to the dissentients of Long Island and other parts of the province of New York, who were to be disarmed, and, if necessary, "otherwise secured.”* It would seem, therefore, that Washington only partially informed the local Committee of Safety of what he proposed to do, and that the act of political coercion which he contemplated was withheld from their knowledge. As Commander-in-Chief of all the Federal forces, Washington would no doubt have been quite justified in detaching a part of his army for the purely military purpose of defending an important city against the designs of the enemy. But he did more than this. Being unable, as he states in his communication to the Committee of Safety of New York, to spare troops from the camp at Cambridge, he commissioned an officer to raise volunteers in the provinces adjacent to New York; and one duty which these volunteers were to perform was the punishment of certain New York citizens who held obnoxious opinions. It is easy to say that the coercion of these citizens was a necessary part of the military operations, or at least a measure of precaution on military grounds. Excuses may always be made for the most arbitrary proceedings; but an act trenching so seriously on the rights of the individual should have proceeded from some authority within the colony concerned, or from the General Congress, where all the colories were represented.

Entering Connecticut, Lee obtained the services of two regiments, counting nearly fifteen hundred men. Sears was with him, and he bestowed on this political fanatic the post of Assistant AdjutantGeneral, with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. To the Committee of Safety of New York, Lee sent no communication announcing his approach, though

Writings of Washington, edited by Jared Sparks, Vol. III., PP. 230-232.

When

Washington had instructed him to do so. the fact of his advance at the head of a large body of troops became known to the rulers of the province, they felt highly indignant at an interference which seemed to have no basis of right or of legality. A messenger was despatched to Lee, requesting him not to allow the Connecticut men to pass the frontier until the purpose of their coming should be explained. Lee returned a high-flown answer, in which he declared that, if the English ships of war should make a pretext of his presence to fire upon the town, he would hang a hundred of the Royalist party. It was evident that Lee and the New York authorities would not harmonise, though they professed to be seeking the same ends. Both appealed to the Continental Congress, and that body sent commissioners with powers of direction. These envoys consulted with the New York Committee on the 1st of February, and the local authorities were satisfied with the assurance that the troops would be under the control of Congress. Such was the posture of affairs when, on the 4th of Feb ruary, Clinton, with his troops, arrived in the harbour, and Lee entered the city. The two opponents were face to face, and New York was to abide the shock.

The city was now occupied by volunteers from Connecticut and New Jersey, and at the same time a transport, with the British soldiers on board, came up to the dock. A panic seized on the people; women and children were removed to a distance, and for some days the roads were covered with waggons conveying household goods. Much distress was occasioned to the poor, and even to the rich, by this flight in the midst of winter; but it was thought better to encounter the hardship of seeking new homes than to brave the risks of a bombardment. There was no disposition at present, however, to push matters to extremes. Clinton declared that his division would not be followed by any more troops, and that he was on his way to North Carolina. Lee was checked in his violent tendencies by the supervision of the commissioners sent by the Continental Congress, and of the New York Committee. Active operations were waived on both sides; but the Americans, under the direc tion of Lee, constructed a number of fortifications which, it was hoped, would be sufficient to secure the capital from any attack that might ultimately be made. The ships of war removed into the lay, and Lee, gathering increased confidence from his apparent success, recommended a refusal of ali terms of accommodation, unless the whole Ministry were condignly punished, and the King beheades, or at least dethroned. Nothing could have been

more idle and empty than such language; but it conspired with his position of seeming superiority at New York to make him for a time the demi-god of the revolutionary party. Washington, Franklin, and John Adams, all wrote to the sometime English officer in terms of the highest praise, importing that it would be a good thing for the country if he could be at New York, at Cambridge, in Canada, and in Virginia, at the same moment. That being impossible, it was at length determined by the General Congress to give him the command of all the Continental forces south of the Potomac. He left New York about the middle of March, after alienating the more moderate by his arbitrary arrests of suspected persons, and by his imposition of 2 test-oath which constituted a glaring violation of private rights.

As winter wore on, the difficulties of Washington increased; for his army was still raw and undisciplined, his resources grew less with the augmenting demands on them, and the distracted counsels of his subordinates were more than ever hewildering and vexatious. He had by this time obtained some guns and a stock of powder, and he would have advanced over the ice to Boston, or would have approached it in boats, if he could have gained the co-operation of his officers, and could have relied on the constancy of his men; but, finding that his project was not supported, he was obliged to content himself with watching the enemy, and maturing plans for the future. The regiments to which he was opposed remained securely behind their entrenchments, wiling away the tedious season by private theatricals, balls, and whatever diversions they could originate in a city which was not remarkable for the means of entertainment. The English commanders were expecting reinforcements, and contemplating a removal to New York when they should have received them. But Washington was resolved to furnish his opponents with employment of a serious character; and he now conceived the design of occupying Dorchester Heights, a line of hills stretching along a peninsula to the south of Boston, the possession of which would give him the command of the city, and to some extent of the harbour. He hoped, moreover, in this way to bring on a general action, by compelling the enemy to attempt his expulsion from a position of so important a nature; and it was part of his design to take advantage of the struggle to cross with a portion of his forces from the Cambridge side of the river Charles, and attack Boston itself. The effectives of the American army in the north now amounted to upwards of fourteen thousand men, reckoning only those who were regarded as

219

regular troops; and, in addition to these, Washington had called into active service about six thousand of the Massachusetts militia. The available forces under Howe could not count as many as eight thousand. They had the advantage over their adversaries in point of discipline, but in some respects were even worse off. Their numbers were being frequently reduced by small-pox; their supplies of food were insufficient, notwithstanding that they had command of the sea; even the sick and wounded were often, from sheer compulsion, left without fresh meat and vegetables; and fuel was so scarce that it was found necessary to pull down houses, that the timber might be used for firing. Boston was literally a trap to the English forces confined there, and Howe was anxious for the moment when he could quit a locality so unpropitious to the commencement of an active campaign, and gain the more loyal province of New York, whence operations could be conducted with a much greater prospect of success.

*

The execution of his plan was hastened by the movements of Washington. Choosing a day which he considered favourable, by its associations, to the highest development of the patriotic spirit, the American commander determined to commence his proceedings on the 5th of March, the anniversary of what was popularly, but falsely, called "the Boston Massacre." On the nights of March 2nd, 3rd, and 4th, however, he preceded the main attempt by a heavy bombardment of the British lines, intended as a means of diverting attention from his real object. During the last of those nights, under cover of darkness, and of the cannonade which was vigorously kept up from several points, and as warmly replied to by the English, though without any great effect on either side, Washington moved towards the high ground which he proposed to occupy. His dispositions had been made with great skill, and every man beforehand was thoroughly instructed in his work. The troops were accompanied by carts with trenching tools, and bundles of screwed hay were sent over the frozen marshes, to be used in the construction of works of defence in default of earth, which could not be obtained owing to the frozen state of the ground. The unceasing roar of the great guns discharged by both combatants, and the whizzing of shells as they cut their way through the dark and frozen air, effectually drowned the noise of Washington's troops moving from the vicinity of Cambridge to that of Dorchester. This great advantage was obtained at a cost, to the Americans, of two men, and of the bursting of five mortars. Having gained the Heights, the provincials worked with unflinching

assiduity under the light of a full moon, and the teams of bullock-waggons went to and fro, bringing up fresh supplies for the works. At three o'clock on the morning of the 5th, the first working party was relieved; and by dawn, when at length the bombardment ceased, a formidable line of fortifications was apparent to the astonished eyes of General Howe and his army. On each of the two hills where Washington had taken his station, strong redoubts had been run up; the foot of the ridge was protected by an abattis of felled trees; and at the top were several barrels filled with earth and stones, which, in case of an attack, were to be rolled down on the advancing lines.

The Americans had worked well, and had erected in a surprisingly short space of time an admirable extemporary defence. But, as magnified by the mists of morning, it looked more serious than it really was, and for a moment something like dismay pervaded the British camp. Howe exclaimed that the besiegers had done more in a night than his men would have accomplished in a month. Yet, although, as we have seen, he was desirous of transferring operations from Boston to New York, he disdained to be hastened in his movements by the manoeuvres of rebellious provincials, and therefore resolved, by the advice of a council of war, to attack the enemy at once. Admiral Shuldham, who was in command of the fleet, declared that unless the New Englanders were dislodged he could not keep a ship in the harbour. The case was certainly grave, for Boston could not long remain tenable if the enemy were at liberty to bombard it from so dominant a position. Howe was further encouraged in his determination to assault the lines (hazardous as he confessed the enterprise to be) by the ardour of his troops, who, as their General reports, were eager to try conclusions with a foe they had already vanquished, though with difficulty, on Breed's Hill. Two thousand four hundred men were placed under the direction of Earl Percy, and they entered the boats which were to carry them across the water to the opposite point of land. The Americans, seeing what was designed, were animated with the hope of inflicting a severe defeat on their adversaries. Washington exclaimed to those about him, "Remember the 5th of March! Avenge the death of your brethren!" The cry, however little it may have been warranted by what really occurred on that day six years before, was well calculated to stimulate the zeal and passion of the men; and, had a collision occurred, there would doubtless have been hard fighting. But Percy delayed scaling the heights until nightfall, and in the afternoon a violent storm

of wind arose, which, blowing from the south, drove two or three of the vessels on shore, and prevented the contemplated descent, which was to have taken place from Castle William, where Percy's detachment was already drawn up. The storm continued during the night, and, on the morning of the 6th, rain fell in torrents. It was evident that the attempt could not be made, and in the meanwhile the enemy continued to strengthen his works. It was perhaps fortunate that the lines were not attacked, for, on the side which the English forces must have approached, the heights are almost perpendicular. In the course of the 6th, a council of war was held by Howe and his lieutenants, and it was agreed that it was now impossible to expel the Americans from their position, and that the speedy evacuation of Boston had become a necessity. Howe had been indulging an exaggerated confidence in the strength of his position and the weakness of his opponents. Earlier in the winter, he had given assurances to the Ministry in England that he was not in the least apprehensive of any attack from the rebels; and, with culpable remissness, he had neglected to occupy Dorchester Heights, as Gage had neglected to secure those of the Charleston peninsula. In fact, he had actually called the enemy's attention to the Dorchester position by a frivolous demonstration there on the 14th of February, which ended simply in the burning of a few houses. He now found himself out-generalled by an officer whom he probably regarded as a mere amateur in the art of war.

The evacuation did not begin at once, and the interval was of service to the Americans, as enabling them still further to improve their fortifications. On the morning of the 17th of March, it was perceived that a breastwork had been partially constructed during the night on Nook's Hill, a part of the Dorchester range which com mands Boston Neck and the southern quarters of the town. Although this was to some extent stopped by the British guns, any further delay would have been highly dangerous, and it was resolved to move as soon as possible. One of the most painful features of this enforced retreat wys the necessity of abandoning the loyal population. Nothing could exceed the dismay of those adherentof the Royal cause on finding, after the failure of Percy's enterprise, that they were to be left to th vengeance of their offended countrymen. were offered a passage to Nova Scotia; but the prospect of exile to such dreary lands seemed to many even more wretched and alarming than the ill-usage of the victorious patriots. There was no time to come to terms with the enemy as to their

They