from that land. If, in these happier times, France is no longer the victim of blind Bourbons and heartless nobles-if Italy has arisen once more out of the grave of ages-if Germany looks to popular assent for the consecration of her power--if even Austria and Russia begin to soften beneath more generous impulses,-let it be acknowledged that the first active movement in all those directions came from English America. It was there that the genius of Alfred, of Wickliffe, of Hampden, of Russell, and of Sidney, reached its ultimate development, and, relieved from the pressure of many ancient shackles, reacted on the older world with all the potency of youth.

The democratic tendencies of America were now to receive a very remarkable testimony from the colony of Virginia-a province, the settlement of which was organised on aristocratical principles, and which for some few generations retained its first attachment to the Throne and to the Church of England. In later times that attachment had been very considerably weakened, and, before the close of the seventeenth century, a large infusion of Scoto-Irish Presbyterians, and several emigrations from the continent of Europe, had introduced political elements of an opposite character. Whatever sentiment of loyalty still existed in the reign of George III. was utterly destroyed by the despotic violence of Lord Dunmore; and when, on the 6th of May, 1776, forty-five members of the House of Burgesses met at Williamsburg, pursuant to their adjournment, it was agreed that the ancient constitution had been subverted by the King and Parliament of Great Britain, and the Assembly was dissolved, never again to come together in that form. The Convention of the province met on the same day. It was both a constituent and an executive body, and its delegates were instructed to bring about as speedily as possible a total and final separation of the colony from the mother country, and to establish a new constitution, with a full representation, and free and frequent elections. On the delegates assembling, they resolved themselves into a committee of the whole House, and on the 15th of May certain resolutions were reported, and agreed to by all the members present, amounting to a hundred and twelve, by far the greater number of the whole Convention. The preamble consisted of a statement of grievances (chief amongst which was the enlistment of slaves by the Royal Governor), leading up to the conclusion that Virginia had no alternative left but an abject submission or a complete separation. The country was therefore, from that time forward, to govern itself, to form foreign alliances, and to pro

mote a confederation of the colonies, provided such confederation did not interfere with the internal regulation of each State. The ringing of bells and the firing of artillery out of doors hailed the passing of this declaration, and the British flag was removed from the State House, where it had waved for several generations.

A committee of thirty-two was next appointed, to prepare a declaration of rights and a plan of government. The members included Patrick Henry, James Madison, and George Mason-the last-named, the most influential person on the committee, and the more so because he had always, until recently, been a very loyal man, and a great admirer of the political constitution of England. It was by him that the declaration of rights was drafted, and this document was presented to the Convention on the 27th of May. The principles there expressed were debated for a fortnight, and on the motion of James Madison, then a young Presbyterian, little known even to his countrymen, but afterwards fourth President of the United States, the word "toleration," in regard to religion, was struck out, that a phrase might be substituted giving a more exact expression to the right of all religious bodies to perfect equality. On the 12th of June, the statement of rights was read a third time, and adopted without a dissentient voice. By this important act it was declared :

:

"All men are by nature equally free. and have inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety. All power is vested in, and consequently derived from, the people ; magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them. Government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit and security of the people, nation, or community; and whenever any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, unalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter, or abolish it, in such a manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal. Public services not being descendible, neither ought the offices of magistrate, legislator, or judge to be hereditary. The legisla tive and executive powers of the state should be separate and distinct from the judicative; the members of the two first should, at fixed periods, return into that body from which they were origi nally taken, and the vacancies be supplied by frequent, certain, and regular elections. Elections

1776.]

of members to serve as representatives of the people in assembly ought to be free; and all men having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses without their own consent or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not in like manner assented for the public good. There ought to be no arbitrary power of suspending laws, no requirement of excessive bail, no granting of general warrants. No man ought to be deprived of liberty, except by the law of the land, or the judgment of his peers; and the ancient trial by jury ought to be held sacred. The freedom of the press is one of the greatest bulwarks of liberty, and can never be restrained but by despotic governments. A well-regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defence of a free state; standing armies in time of peace should be avoided as dangerous to liberty; and in all cases the military should be under strict subordination to the civil power. The people have a right to uniform government, and, therefore, no government separate from, or independent of, the government of Virginia ought to be erected or established within the limits thereof. No free government can be preserved but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue, and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles. Religion can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence; and, therefore, all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of it, according to the dictates of conscience; and it is the mutual duty of all to practise Christian forbearance, love, and charity, towards each other.”

This important manifesto, and the preamble to John Adams's resolution tending to separation from Great Britain, which the General Congress had sanctioned, brought matters to a crisis in Pennsylvania. Arrangements were made for calling a constituent Convention; the Assembly receded

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from its position of uncompromising loyalty to the Crown, and on the 6th of June consented to new instructions being sent to the Pennsylvanian delegates in Congress, by which those gentlemen were allowed a greater latitude in dealing with measures having reference to the assertion of the national sovereignty. They were soon to be confronted by the most precise and emphatic expression of the revolutionary spirit. On the very next day, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, in the name and with the special authority of that province, submitted to Congress a set of resolutions affirming that the United Colonies were, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they were absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown ; that all political connection between them and Great Britain was, and ought to be, totally dissolved; that it was expedient forthwith to take the most effectual measures for forming foreign alliances; and that a plan of confederation should be prepared, and transmitted to the respective colonies for their consideration and approbation. The questions thus raised were first considered on the 8th. The speeches were resumed on the 10th, and it was then resolved, after further discussion, to postpone the debate for three weeks, and in the meanwhile to appoint a committee which should draw up a declaration in harmony with what had been proposed. It was certainly right, at so grave a crisis, to take time for deliberation. The principle at issue had, indeed, been fully considered for a long while; but it required serious thought whether an open confession of that principle was prudent or not. If finally sanctioned, the form in which the declaration should be made, and the ' method in which it should be proclaimed to the world, demanded the most earnest consideration; and a delay of three weeks was not too long for the maturing of such a revolution. No one, however, could doubt how the matter would end. The porches of Independence had been reached, and it only remained to go through some needful ceremonies before they would be entered.

CLINTON, Cornwallis, and Parker, seemed in no great hurry to carry out the general instructions of the King. The squadron under Parker, with the reinforcements on board, met the regiments under Clinton about the beginning of May; but it was the 1st of June before operations were commenced for the reduction of Charleston, the capital of South Carolina. On that day it was seen that a fleet of forty or fifty sail lay at anchor some twenty miles to the north of Charleston-bar. The streets of the chief city were accordingly barricaded, and a large number of men were concentrated there; but, as events turned out, they were not called into action, owing to the successful defence of the outlying works. A copy of the Royal proclamation, offering pardon to such as should lay down their arms and submit to the laws, was with some difficulty conveyed to Moultrie on the 8th of June, and it was then agreed between Clinton and Cornwallis that their best plan would be to land on a sandbank called Long Island, and from that pass on to Sullivan's Island by a ford which was said to exist at low water. The truth of the report should have been tested by soundings; but this obvious precaution was neglected, and it afterwards appeared that the channel was too deep to be used for the purpose of a land passage. The troops under Clinton amounted to two thousand eight hundred; and a detachment of these, numbering between four and five hundred, landed on the 9th on Long Island. The adjoining island, then called Sullivan's, but now, after its gallant defender, Moultrie's, must be considered, in a military sense, an outpost of the city of Charleston, from which it is distant about six miles. The fort was not yet finished when Clinton's men appeared upon the sandbank; but the front and one side were completed, and the other portions of the work were rapidly progressing. The walls were constructed of palmetto-logs, and twelve hundred men were encamped in the rear, ready to do their utmost

in repelling attack. Lee visited the post on the same day that Clinton landed on Long Island; but he looked with very unfavourable eyes at the possibilities of defence. He declared that the island could not hold out half-an-hour, and remarked that, as it was devoid of any way by which to retreat, it might be the scene of fearful slaughter. This officer was now invested by John Rutledge, Presi. dent of the South Carolina Convention, with the chief military command at Sullivan's Island; but the honour of the defence lies with Moultrie, who retained the actual direction of affairs. To Lee it seemed imperative that the island should be evacuated on the instant; but Rutledge would not suffer it, and the fortifications proceeded. Moultrie even disregarded the repeated orders of his superior that he should construct bridges for his retreat— certainly a very reasonable provision, which the ultimate success of Moultrie did not justify him in neglecting, unless, as he alleged, the work was impossible.

The additional fortifications went on with much spirit; yet they were not finished by the time the attack began. The arrangements of Sir Peter Parker for taking the batteries on Sullivan's Island were communicated to his captains on the 15th of June; but Clinton was in a state of great per plexity as to what he should do. He at length determined to confine his operations to a descent on Sullivan's Island, which he proposed to occupy and garrison. He therefore, on the 17th, completed the landing of his men on Long Island, where they were tormented by the scorching sun, the want of good water, and the clouds of mosquitoes. It was then that, upon examination, the promised ford proved to be a channel seven feet in depth at low tide. The co-operation of the land forces in the contemplated attack on the rebel position was thus rendered very difficult; yet Clinton still hoped to take part in a joint assault on the 23rd. Parker made no doubt that he should be able to reduce

both the island and the fort, and Lee continued to feel very uneasy about the result. Moultrie, however, never questioned his ability to maintain the position; and Lee, regarding him as rash and headstrong, would fain have removed him from the command.

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It was not until the 28th of June that the attack began. By that time, an advanced post had been thrown forward at the extreme point of the island. The men of this post were protected by sand-hills and myrtle-bushes, and, at their rear, breast-works had been thrown up, guarded by a large body of riflemen. The left was defended by a morass; the right, by a couple of guns, overlooking the spot where Clinton might be expected to land. Moultrie, on seeing the boats of the English squadron in motion, repaired to his fort, caused the drums to beat, and ordered his officers and men to their posts. The fort had a bastion at each corner, and the palmetto-logs of which it was built were laid in parallel rows sixteen feet asunder, with sand filled in between the rows. On the southern and western sides, the walls were finished, and mounted with cannon; the northern and eastern walls had not been reared to a greater height than seven feet. At the south-east bastion, a blue flag, displaying a white crescent and the word Liberty," was hung out as the ensign of South Carolina. Moultrie had not at his disposal more than thirty-one cannon, and his ammunition was far from abundant; yet his courage and selfreliance never deserted him. By half-past ten in the morning, the ships of Commodore Parker were under way, and in a little while they were throwing shells in large numbers on to the island. The palmetto-logs forming the walls of the fort withstood the fire remarkably well, and the men on the platforms were sufficiently protected to enable them to reply with coolness and effect. The number of guns on board the attacking vessels was two hundred and fifty-four, and the assault was soon aided by Clinton's batteries on Long Island. twelve o'clock, Clinton ordered his troops to embark in boats, and, under cover of floating batteries and armed craft, to effect a landing on Sullivan's Island; but it was quickly apparent that the design was impracticable, and it was abandoned, owing to the difficulty of the approach, the strength of the enemy's defences, and the skill of the American marksinen. The English General then contemplated an attack on Haddrell's Point, on the mainland, and requested Parker to send three frigates to Co-operate with him in that direction. The required vessels were despatched, and, getting between Sullivan's Island and the opposite shore, menaced the

At

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fort in its rear, where the works were far from being finished; but the pilots conducted the ships badly, and all three ran on a sandbank. This was a great relief to the people of Charleston, who were watching the progress of events from their wharfs and water-side buildings, fearing lest their city would soon experience the full effect of Parker's fire. More than two thousand men were drawn up for the defence of the capital, and they remained under arms for several hours; but Charleston was saved by the courage and skill of Moultrie.

The bombardment of the island had not proceeded very long when the flag-staff of the fort, struck by a shot, tumbled over on to the beach. A sergeant, named Jasper, not liking that they should fight without a flag, leaped through an embrasure, seized the ensign, re-ascended the wall in the midst of a tremendous fire, and fixed the rescued standard on a halberd, which he displayed on the bastion next the enemy. For some hours the fight went on with unabated vigour; a fierce, almost tropical sun, unmitigated by a single cloud, filled the air with light and heat; and the sulphurous vapours of the cannon added to the distress of those who had to conduct the defence. Many stripped themselves half-naked; all worked with energy at their appointed posts. Moultrie and some of his officers walked about smoking their pipes, and the utmost firmness and resolution characterised the whole band. Their fire was necessarily slight in comparison with that of the English vessels; yet it wrought a great deal of damage, owing to the excellent way in which the guns were pointed. The mischief done on board the flag-ship, the Bristol, was so great that all on the quarter-deck were either killed or wounded, and Parker himself for awhile stood there alone. The conduct of Captain Morris, of this ship, was magnificent. He was wounded in the neck, and again in the right arm, which was shattered by a chain-shot. He then went below, had the arm amputated, and once more took his station on the quarter-deck, where he continued to direct the action of his ship until a shot through the body brought his gallant career to an end. Nevertheless, it appeared at one time as if the attack would have prevailed. About an hour after mid-day, the fire of the rebels ceased, and there seemed to be some evidence of an intention to abandon the fort. Parker would probably have landed (for he had previously instructed several of his seamen and marines in the best way of entering forts through embrasures), but that he needed the support of Clinton's land forces, and looked impatiently for their approach, but looked in vain.

Moultrie, however, had in truth no thought of

the General was disinclined to send it. In his answer, he directed Moultrie, in the event of his expending all his ammunition without beating off the enemy, to spike his guns, and retreat. Some time after, Rutledge, who was now at Charleston, sent over to Moultrie five hundred pounds of powder, together with a letter, in which he said, "Do not make too free with your cannon. Be cool, and do mischief." In addition to this

Thomson at the east end of the island. Lee himself, some two hours later, shortly after Moultrie had resumed his fire, visited the position, and, after pointing two or three guns with his own hands, said to his chief subordinate, "Colonel, I see you are doing very well here; you have no occasion for me; I will go up to town again." He then left, and the firing on both sides continued long after dark. One of Moultrie's guns was silenced; yet