presently see, were able to effect nothing. There were undoubtedly persons in America very desirous of a compromise; but they were the least influential of the politicians of that day.

Providence, however, had so ordered that the attempt was not to be made by Chatham. Had that statesman continued to live, the reiterated demands of the nation might have finally overcome the vehement antipathies of the King, and have carried him to the summit of power; but the career of the famous Earl was now hastening to its close. He was again ill with an attack of his old enemy, gout, when he heard that the Duke of Richmond was, on the 7th of April, to move an address to the King, entreating his Majesty to withdraw his fleets and armies from the revolted provinces of America, and to make peace with them on such terms as might secure their good-will. Against such a motion Chatham was determined to speak, although, as he was only beginning to recover, his family and friends warned him against the danger of so much physical fatigue and mental agitation. On the appointed day he appeared in his place, pale, feeble, and ghostlike, partly swathed in flannel, and supported on one side by his illustrious son (as he was afterwards to become), and on the other by Lord Mahon. The speech which he delivered on that memorable occasion indicated in many ways the broken and disturbed condition of his mind; yet it glowed in parts with the old fire, and was as energetic as ever in the expression of a distinctly national policy, as opposed to the ambition of France. The Duke of Richmond replied in a somewhat irritating speech, of which the main argument was, that, as it was no longer possible to have the Americans as subjects, it was good policy to try to obtain them as allies. When he had finished, Chatham rose again, in some excitement, to make a few remarks in response; but the effort was too much. He pressed his hand to his heart, staggered, and fell back. He had been seized with a fit-of what nature is not precisely known, but one from which he never recovered. On the 11th of May he expired at Hayes, in the seventieth year of his age.

was highly incensed at being left without the reinforcements which had been promised him, anl which were necessary to the success of his mea sures. He therefore, early in the winter, requested permission to resign his command. The request was granted, and Howe was succeeded by his colleague, Sir Henry Clinton. It was on the 4th of February that Lord George Germaine wrote t Howe, informing him of the change; and a few weeks later the Colonial Secretary himself threatened to resign, because the King had conferred on Sir Guy Carleton a sinecure post, and had thus, in the estimation of Lord George, insulted him by rewarding his adversary. Lord George was a man difficult to work with; but he had official abilities and Parliamentary influence, and, having been charged with the conduct of American affairs for more than two years, he had acquired a mastery of them, which would have made his resignation at such a juncture peculiarly embarrassing.

During the progress of these events in England. the Commander-in-Chief of the American armies was remaining in a state of enforced idleness, awaiting the season when active operations could be resumed, and when his regiments should be in a better condition to encounter the English troops. Towards the close of 1777, he had fixed his winter quarters at Valley Forge, in Pennsylvania, a strong position among the woods and hills on the banks of the Schuylkill, within about twenty miles of Philadelphia, where the British under Howe were ther posted. This camp he caused to be well fortified, and the soldiers were housed in huts built for the purpose with logs of wood, and ranged, wherever practicable, in parallel lines, so that the whole hai the appearance of a town, with its streets and ways Troops from the same State inhabited the same street or quarter; for the feeling of sectional jealousy was still so great that it was found necessary to keep men of different origin apart from one another. On the land side were entrenchments; and a brige across the Schuylkill afforded communication with the open country to the north. The army re mained here for nearly the first half of 1778, and during the winter months the sufferings of the soldiers were extreme. There was a serious want of blankets and of shirts; the lack of shoes and stockings was still so great that, before the troops went into the encampment, the snow over which they marched was reddened by the blood of their bare feet. Nearly three thousand are stated to have been in this condition, and otherwise insufficiently clad. The Quartermaster - Genera and Commissary-General's departments had bett removed from the control of Washington; and be

perse. Between two and three hundred officers had in fact resigned their commissions in the course of a few months, and many others were with difficulty dissuaded from following the example. When it is added that at this very period Washing ton knew of those conspiracies against him which were favoured in certain circles at the seat of Government, the reader must needs admire the strength and constancy of his patriotism in not flinging up his commission in anger and despair.

This miserable state of things was in part relieved, about the middle of April, by the arrival at Valley Forge of intelligence that General Gates was about to be removed from the Board of War, and sent to resume his former command at the north. At the same time, Washington received the first draft of Lord North's Conciliatory Bills, which he at once forwarded to the President of Congress, with remarks to the effect that they might exercise an unfortunate influence in disinclining the people to the further prosecution of hostilities, and to the cause of independence. Early in May, the Commander-in-Chief heard of the treaty of alliance between France and the United States; and his joy was expressed in the warmest terms in a general order appointing a day of thanksgiving. The army cried "Long live the King of France!" -little thinking that the alliance on which he was then entering would prove to be one of the many causes which precipitated his violent death; and salutes were fired in honour of the great event. All this while, the English forces were comfortably housed in Philadelphia, troubled with nothing but tedium, which they endeavoured to relieve with gambling and discreditable amours. The soldiers generally, and many of the officers in particular, earned a bad name by the looseness of their lives; but Sir William Howe was much respected for his kindly nature and agreeable manners. On the 18th of May, just before his departure for England, twenty-two of his field-officers combined to entertain him at a festival to which they gave the Italian name of Mischianza,-a medley. It took the form of a tournament, and greatly astonished the sober Pennsylvanians, who knew nothing of the gorgeous pageantries of medieval Europe. All the old observances were strictly followed. Knights and squires splendidly dressed, richly-caparisoned horses, heralds with trumpets and banners, mottoes and emblems, all were there; and ladies in Turkish habits, wearing in their turbans the articles which they intended to bestow on their knights, sat apart in pavilions, to adjudge the prizes. The lists were formally opened, and the knights fought for the honour of their damsels. A grand entertainment followed the

games, and Philadelphia, in spite of its gravity, rang with wonder at the splendid show.

Howe's successor, Sir Henry Clinton, was a man of greater enterprise than the General whom he followed in the command, and equally respectable for his high and blameless character. He assumed the chief direction of the army at a difficult time. England was about to be involved in a war with France, and the negotiations with a view to a compromise with the revolted colonies would be certain for awhile to fetter his hands. Only a few days after Howe had left, Clinton received instructions from the Government that he was to retire from Philadelphia, and concentrate his forces at New York. These instructions had been given in consequence of the impending French war, and were based on the recommendation of Lord (formerly Sir Jeffery) Amherst. On arriving in America, the Commissioners were greatly annoyed at finding that this change in the military situation, of which they had received not the slightest intimation before leaving England, was already in process of execution; and they despatched a secret letter to Lord George Germaine, complaining of the concealment. The Commissioners (in addition to Lord Howe and his brother, if they were still in America when the others arrived, or Sir Henry Clinton in the absence of Sir William Howe) were Lord Carlisle, Mr. William Eden, and Mr. George Johnstone. The first of these was a man of fashion, not remarkable for business capacity or knowledge of affairs; the brother of the second had been Governor of Maryland; and the third had filled the same post in Florida, and was now a great opponent of Lord North. The Secretary to the Commission was Dr. Ferguson, a well-known Professor of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh.

Nothing could be more disheartening than the reception of the Commissioners by the Americans They were frowned upon from the first, and given to understand that their mission was vain. Joseph Reed, Washington's Adjutant-General, observed, in reply to a private note from Mr. Johnstone:"I shall only say that, after the unparalleled injuries and insults this country has received from the men who now direct the affairs of Britain, a negotiation under their auspices has much to struggle with." Washington refused a passport to enable the secretary to proceed to Congress. Congress itself declined even to hold any conference with the representatives of the British Government, unless, as a preliminary, they should either withdraw the fleets and armies, or else, in express words. acknowledge the independence of the United States. Some correspondence, however, went on during the

1778.]

summer months. The Commissioners addressed the President of Congress personally, begging of him to consider what they had to offer. They placed before him a most tempting set of terms, but might as well have demanded of him unconditional submission. They promised that no military forces should be maintained in North America without the consent of the General Congress, or of particular Assemblies. They were willing that measures should be taken to discharge the debts of America, and to raise the credit and value of the paper circulation. They proposed that the States should be represented in Parliament; that England should send deputies to the several American Assemblies; and that each State should be allowed to settle its revenue, and to exercise a perfect freedom of legislation and of internal government. In vain. Congress soon cut short even the faintest pretence of negotiation by resolving that no further reply should be returned.

A charge was then brought against Mr. Johnstone that he had attempted to corrupt and bribe some members of the Legislative Body. This gentleman had been a great friend of the original claims of the Americans, and, since his arrival, had entered into correspondence with some persons of position; but it does not appear that he had positively offered bribes, though some of his expressions were imprudent. It is clear, however, that he acted simply on his own account, and without the knowledge of his colleagues. Mr. Johnstone, on the charge being made, withdrew from the Commission, and notified the fact to Congress, whose conduct he severely condemned. But the leaders of the political world had resolved to stifle all discussion, and were glad of any pretext which would enable them to do so with a virtuous flourish. They were the more desirous of getting rid of the Commissioners, because those gentlemen had for some time been pressing very hard for the release of the prisoners of Saratoga. Congress was determined not to fulfil the terms of the Convention, and found it no easy matter to defend or excuse such a course. To a communication on the subject, written by Sir Henry Clinton on the 19th of September, and expressed in terms of injudicious, though assuredly not unprovoked, warmth, the Federal secretary replied that "Congress gave no answer to insolent letters ;" and it was now no longer possible to hope for any conciliatory disposition on the part of men who were manifestly bent on perpetuating a quarrel which they might have composed.

As a final act, the Commissioners addressed to Congress, to the members of the General Assem

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blies, and to the people of the several provinces, a manifesto and proclamation, in which they gave a history of their negotiation, and threw on the ruling body the blame of their failure. They also declared that they were still ready to treat with deputies from all or any of the colonies, at any time within the space of forty days from the date of their proclamation (the 3rd of October); promised pardon to all who, within the prescribed time, should cease to oppose the British Government, and return to their allegiance; and denounced vengeance against those who persisted in rebellion against their lawful sovereign. In a passage which was certainly very reprehensible, and in painful contrast with the rest of the document, they observed that the hopes of a reunion had previously checked the extremes of war, but that in future the contest would be changed; that if the British colonies were to become an accession to France, the laws of selfpreservation would direct Great Britain to render that accession of as little avail as possible to her enemy. Fox, and other members of the Opposition, severely condemned these phrases, which they construed as menacing a war of desolation; but Lord North, in a debate which occurred on the 4th of December, denied that Ministers intended to give the least encouragement to any new kind of

war.

Whatever the meaning of the Commissioners, their proclamation had no effect. A copy of the document was sent, by a flag of truce, to each of the thirteen revolted provinces; but no offers of submission nor applications for pardon were made. It is possible, however, that this was partly due to the fact that Congress had recommended the several States to seize or detain in prison, as violators of the law of nations, all persons who, under pretence of a flag of truce, should be found distributing the manifesto and proclamation; and that they also enacted that exemplary punishment should be inflicted on those individuals who might attempt to execute the severities threatened by the British representatives. Towards the end of the year, the Commissioners returned to England.

The feeling by which Congress was animated in refusing these attempts at refusing these attempts at a compromise, and in adopting in every way the most irritating conduct and language, had been expressed a little earlier in a report of the committee appointed to consider the Conciliatory Bills of Lord North. The aim of those Bills, it was here declared, was to create divisions in the States; and they were characterised as the sequel of that insidious plan which, from the days of the Stamp Act downwards, had involved the country in contention and bloodshed. "As in other cases, so in this," continued the report," although

circumstances may at times force them [the British Government] to recede from their unjustifiable claims, there can be no doubt but they will, as heretofore, upon the first favourable occasion, again display that lust of domination which hath rent in twain the mighty Empire of Britain." The members of the committee further reported it as their opinion that any men, or body of men, who should presume to make any separate or partial convention or agreement with Commissioners under the Crown of Great Britain, should be treated as open and avowed enemies of the United States. It was

in consequence of this report that the British representatives were met with so much coldness and so many studied affronts. Congress was ruled by committees, and the country, it might almost be said, was tyrannised over by Congress.

Washington, in a private letter written on the 21st of April, had admitted that the Americans, for the most part, were weary of the war; and Lafayette had confessed to Washington that he feared the Commissioners more than ten thousand men. In revolutionary seasons, affairs are generally moulded and managed by a few leaders of special vigour, capacity, and ambition. It was so in America at the period with which we are now concerned. The people were not consulted, and it is difficultperhaps we should rather say it is impossible-to determine with certainty what would have been their choice, had the question of reunion with England, on liberal conditions, been placed before them. As it was, the war went on, and was prosecuted to a successful issue; but it is not conclusive that peace was declined by the majority of American citizens.

WHEN the time had arrived for opening the campaign of 1778, Washington was in a less favourable position towards his adversary than he had been at the close of the previous year. His troops were in a great degree worn out by the severities of the winter, and the terrible deprivations which they had been compelled to undergo. Several of the soldiers, especially among those who were not native-born Americans, had availed themselves of any opportunities of escape which occurred, and had deserted to the English forces at Philadelphia, carrying their arms with them. Many loyalists had joined the British commander, and his army was thus increased, while that of the American General was considerably diminished. The Royal troops were well fed and cared for, while the Americans were starving. Washington was obliged to pay for what he purchased in a rapidly-depreciating paper currency, whereas the English at Philadelphia gave hard cash for whatever they consumed. It is true

that several American detachments and patrols were posted in the vicinity of the city on almost every side, and that the furnishing of supplies to the British was regarded as an offence for which the punishment was severe. In this way, provisions from the country were often intercepted; yet, on the whole, the King's soldiers got what they wanted, when the soldiers of the Republic were obliged to go without. The American army, moreover, had not improved in discipline during the long and dreary repose of winter. The pay, both of officers and men, was very inadequate, and there was little to compensate for the hardships of the military life. Washington continued to urge the necessity of further reforms; and at length, though very reluctantly, some improvements were sane tioned. An efficient Commissary-General was appointed; other departments were re-organised; and it was agreed that the officers should receive half-pay for seven years after the termination of