tion of any clause protecting the American loyalists from the vengeance of their countrymen. Alluding to the fact of the young Prince William (afterwards William V.) being at that time, in his capacity as a naval officer, on the coast of America, he said that he must frequently behold the faithful adherents of his father hanging in quarters on every headland. This, however, was not owing to the capitulation of Lord Cornwallis, who had by indirect means managed to provide for the safety of the loyalists of Yorktown and its neighbourhood. One of the most striking features of the later debate was the speech of the Lord Advocate, Henry Dundas, who, notwithstanding his official position, expressed opinions not very dissimilar from those of Fox, Pitt, and Burke, hinted at disunion in the Cabinet, and obscurely blamed some who in Council did not deliver their sincere opinions. The Report was adopted by 131 votes against 54; but the troubles of Government were not yet over. On the 12th of December, Sir James Lowther moved a resolution declaring that the war carried on in the colonies of North America had been ineffectual for its avowed purposes, and that all further attempts to reduce the Americans to obedience by force must be injurious to Great Britain, by weakening her powers to resist her ancient and confederated enemies. The motion was seconded by Mr. Powys, afterwards Lord Lilford, who, as a leading member of what has been called the party of the country gentlemen (usually supporters of Lord North's Government), was regarded as a very important accession to the side of the Opposition. He drew with him the votes of more than twenty of the ordinary adherents of Government; yet the motion was negatived by 220 to 179.

In the course of the debate, Lord North made an important statement, which was to the effect that it would no longer be right to proceed with the American war on the method previously followedthat was to say, by sending armies to conduct active operations throughout the country. He said he would have withheld this intimation, as a kind of signal or notice to the national enemies, had it not been plainly declared by the moderation of the Estimates which had been laid on the table. It was not intended to send out a fresh army to supply the place of that which surrendered at Yorktown; but it was necessary to retain certain posts in America, if it were only for the convenience of carrying on the war with France and Spain. England could not do without ports and harbours in that part of the world, such as would enable her to act upon the seas; and British trade must be protected against American privateers. Thus was the

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war of coercion virtually given up. It was evident from the Premier's speech that he intended to do no more than hold certain positions as a means of protection against external enemies, and at the general peace to acknowledge the independence of the colonies. The House was greatly agitated at such a declaration, and Burke made a speech which Horace Walpole has described as wild and passionate.

The great question of the day was again discussed on the 14th of December, when an attempt-defeated by a large majority-was made to delay the supplies. Pitt again spoke, and declared that the Ministry were intent only on one thing, and that was the destruction of the Empire. "God grant," he exclaimed, "that their punishment be not so long delayed as to involve a great and innocent family, who, though they share not the guilt, will most likely participate in the atonement." Shortly afterwards, a debate occurred on the subject of the imprisonment of Henry Laurens in the Tower, when Burke (who had presented a petition from him) gave notice of a motion on his behalf. It soon became unnecessary to take any further steps in the matter, as Laurens was discharged on the 31st of December, in exchange for General Burgoyne, who had been in England on parole since the Convention of Saratoga. Amongst other indications of public opinion in that closing month of 1781, was an address, remonstrance, and petition of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery of the city of London to the King, which his Majesty declined to receive in any other way than at a levee, and which was consequently not presented at all. The document was published, however, and produced a great effect. "It is with inexpressible concern," said the promoters of this petition, "that we have heard your Majesty declare, in your Speech to both Houses of Parliament, your intention of persevering in a system of measures which has proved so disastrous to this country. Your Majesty's Ministers have, by false assertions and fallacious suggestions, deluded your Majesty and the nation into the present unnatural and unfortunate war. The consequences of this delusion have been, that the trade of this country has suffered irreparable losses; the landed property through the kingdom has been depreciated to the most alarming degree; the property of your Majesty's subjects, vested in the public funds, has lost above one-third of its value; private credit has been almost wholly annihilated by the enormous interest given in the public loans, superior to that which is allowed by law in any private contract; your Majesty's flects have lost their wonted supe

riority; your armies have been captured; your dominions have been lost; and your Majesty's faithful subjects have been loaded with a burden of taxes, which, even if our victories had been as splendid as our defeats have been disgraceful, if our accession of dominion had been as fortunate as the dismemberment of the Empire has been cruel and disastrous, could not in itself be considered but as a great and grievous calamity. We beseech your Majesty no longer to continue in a delusion from which the nation has awakened, and that your Majesty will be graciously pleased to relinquish entirely and for ever the plan of reducing our brethren in America to obedience by force." The petition concluded with a prayer that his Majesty would dismiss from his councils all the advisers, both public and secret, of the measures which the petitioners regarded with so much disfavour.

A very strong feeling against the war was undoubtedly growing up in many quarters. The West India merchants declared, at a meeting which they held, that their total ruin must result from a further continuance of hostilities with America. The electors of Westminster had a political gathering, at which Fox delivered a vehement speech, and proposed several resolutions, which were carried. Similar meetings, with similar results, were held in Southwark, and for the counties of Middlesex and Surrey; indeed, the country generally was growing sick of a contest so fruitful in disaster, so barren of fortunate results, so inordinately expensive, and so void even of the most meagre hope. This feeling was enhanced in no slight degree during the Christmas recess of Parliament; and when the two Houses met again, at the latter end of January, 1782, the Opposition felt themselves far stronger than before the adjournment. Their influence was augmented by the equivocal position of Lord North and his colleagues. Ministers would not frankly declare themselves in favour of peace, yet it was plain that they were not heartily in favour of war. Their first act was to get rid of Lord George Germaine, who was still eager for the subjugation of the Americans. He He had declared, in the debate on Sir James Lowther's motion, that, be the consequences what they might, he would never be the Minister to sign any treaty which gave independence to the colonies. It was accordingly arranged that he should resign, and at the same time be raised to the peerage, under the title of Viscount Sackville. His dismissal for such, in fact, it was-showed the growing weakness of Government, who endeavoured to conciliate the Opposition, and succeeded only in discrediting themselves.

one.

Ill-success and mismanagement in other quarters besides America increased in a still greater degree the unpopularity of Ministers, and gave point and force to the attacks of their enemies. Their majorities grew less and less, and it was evident that the end could not be long delayed. On the 22nd of February, General Conway-who several years before had proposed the repeal of the Stamp Act, and who had always been one of the sincerest English friends of America-moved an address to the King, entreating his Majesty not to pursue any further the existing war in the colonies, "for the impracticable purpose of reducing the inhabitants to obedience." The reply of the new Colonial Secretary, Mr. Welbore Ellis, was considered unsatisfactory and ambiguous, and the motion was defeated by a bare majority of This was so nearly a triumph for General Conway, that on the 27th of the same month he brought forward another motion to the same effect, but taking the form of a resolution against any further attempts to reduce the insurgent colonists. Lord North did not venture on any direct resist ance to this motion, but simply asked for a short delay, in order to convince the House that Ministers were sincere in their intention not to recruit the army in America; and the AttorneyGeneral professed his readiness to introduce a Bill enabling the Government to treat with the colonies on the basis of a truce. But the Opposition, conscious of their strength, would listen to no compromise whatever. A motion that the debate should be adjourned was lost by a majority of 19, and Conway's resolution was carried by 234 against 215. An address was accordingly sent up to the King, to which his Majesty returned an answer expressing assent, but in cold, guarded, and somewhat vague language. Conway then moved, on the 4th of March, a new address, setting forth that the House would consider as enemies to the Sovereign and the country all those who should advise the continued prosecution of the war in North America. The motion was carried without a division, and on the following day the Attorney-General introduced his Bill for effecting a truce. The hours of the Ministry, however, were numbered, and the final blow soon came.

Nevertheless, there was a temporary rally. On the 8th of March, Lord John Cavendish brought forward a number of resolutions, the last of which declared that the chief cause of all the national misfortunes was want of foresight and ability in the members of the Administration. A majority of ten on the side of Government defeated this attempt. On the 15th, Sir John Rous, one of the members for Suffolk, a Tory in politics, and for

merly a supporter of Lord North, moved that the House could no longer repose confidence in Ministers. The motion was lost by a majority of nine. But with such small and such uncertain majorities it was evident that the Premier and his friends could not continue to hold office. Before the Earl of Surrey could bring forward a motion of the same nature, of which he had given notice, Lord North had resolved to escape by a voluntary act from the turmoil wherein he had become involved. On the 19th of March, he sent a message to the King, intimating the necessity of his immediately resigning. On the following day he had an interview with his Majesty at St. James's Palace, when his resignation was accepted. He then rode direct to the House of Commons, and, interposing when the Earl of Surrey was about to speak, said that, as the object of the intended motion was the removal of his Majesty's Ministers, such a motion had become unnecessary, as the Administration was no

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and, more than that, he was an honest man. He left office poorer than he entered it, and would probably have been seriously embarrassed had not George III. secured to him the post of Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports.

The Ministry of Lord Rockingham, which succeeded to that of Lord North, was composed of those men who had for so many years supported the cause of the Americans. It included Lord Shelburne, Charles James Fox, Lord Camden, the Duke of Grafton, Lord John Cavendish, General Conway, Mr. Dunning (now created Lord Ashburton), the Duke of Richmond, Burke, Sheridan, and Colonel Barré. The combination was not a happy one. The Cabinet was divided into two parties-that of Rockingham himself, and that of Shelburne; and they represented somewhat dif ferent views. Shelburne, as a follower of Chatham, was disinclined to the entire independence of America; Rockingham was willing to grant the complete separation of the colonies from the mother country. The latter had held office in the early days of the quarrel, and had not distinguished himself as an administrator, being in truth a man of very moderate capacity. He was now to try what he could do for the pacification of a deadly feud which had cost both the antagonists an amount of blood and treasure which no one could contemplate without dismay.

Ox arriving at Philadelphia, towards the end of November, 1781, Washington had many consultations with the Military Committee of Congress, and with the Secretaries of War and Finance. His advice as to the campaign of the ensuing year was in accordance with those principles which he had before unfolded to Greene and Lafayette; and the exposition of his views produced a great impression

on the political rulers of the country. It was resolved to push the war with vigour, and not, as Washington had feared, to rest content with the success obtained at Yorktown, and relax all further efforts. On the 10th of December, resolutions were passed in Congress for requisitions of men and money from the several States, and Washington himself wrote to the Governors, urging them to do

sentiment fully supported them in this hesitation and parsimony. The Americans were as tired of the war as the English. To the latter, it appeared that a prolongation of the struggle was hopeless; to the former, it seemed idle to make further sacrifices for an end which was already virtually obtained. Thus, two very opposite feelings conduced to the same effect.

Washington quitted Philadelphia in March, 1782, and, on reaching Morristown, in New Jersey, on the 28th of that month, was requested by Colonel Matthias Ogden to sanction a scheme of a bold and adventurous character. Prince William Henry, the King's third son, was at that time

should land in New York at half-past nine, at a wharf not far from Hanover Square, where the objects of the plot were residing. Part of the men were to guard the boats, while Colonel Ogden should proceed with the others to the house, force open the doors, and capture the two chief occupants. In returning to the boats, one detachment of the men was to precede the prisoners with bayonets fixed, and another to follow at some little distance, so as to keep in check any persons who might pursue in the hope of effecting a rescue. was a desperate project, but, supposing it to be successfully carried out, it might fairly be expected to hasten the conclusion of peace. To Washington