*

All were so utterly weary of the war that the prospect of peace, under nearly any conditions, was delightful. Yet many were vexed that Canada and Nova Scotia were not to be added to the United States; and this feeling must have been enhanced by a passage in the letter from Lafayette announcing the preliminaries of peace. He there stated that forty-nine ships and twenty thousand men were then at Cadiz; that these were to be joined by Count d'Estaing to the combined forces in the West Indies; that during the summer they were to co-operate with the American army; and that Lafayette himself was to enter the river St. Lawrence at the head of a French corps, with a view to the conquest of Canada for the United States.* These intimations are so much at variance with what we know of the real intentions and wishes of France, that it is impossible not to believe the Marquis had been deluded by some among the Ministerial circles. Yet there may have been a politic desire on the part of the French Government to create such an impression in America; and indeed M. de la Luzerne once assured Congress that his Royal master desired to see Canada and Nova Scotia annexed to the Federal Republic.† Finesse is a part of diplomacy; and French statesmen of the eighteenth century were not very scrupulous as to the extent to which they carried that art.

The military career of Washington was now finished, except as to a few matters of form; but a political career hardly less illustrious lay before him, though at that moment he neither knew nor desired it. It has been seen in the course of this narrative that his political ideas were neither few nor superficial. He had attentively watched the progress of events at the seat of government and in various parts of his native country, and his strong sense of justice and probity had generally pointed out to him the wisest and most fitting course to be pursued. He was not acquainted with the whole range of political administration, like Franklin, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, John Jay, Alexander Hamilton, and many more; for the nature of his work had concentrated his mind on other matters. But he had a firm grasp of broad and leading principles; he had integrity, honour, moderation, and the wisdom of a large experience. As the clamour of war grew still before the approach of peace, his thoughts turned towards the

* Gordon's History of the American Revolution, Vol. IV., p. 359.

+ Life of John Adams, by his Grandson, chap. 7, quoting from "Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution," Vol. X., p. 366.

future of America, and on the 8th of June he addressed, from his head-quarters at Newburgh, a circular letter to the Governors of all the States on the disbanding of the army. After expressing his intention to resign into the hands of Congress the commission he held from that body, and his desire to pass the remainder of his life in a state of retirement and undisturbed repose, he proceeded to offer his sentiments respecting some important subjects which appeared to him intimately connected with the tranquillity of the United States. He regarded his fellow-citizens as actors on a theatre designed by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity, and as enjoying a fairer opportunity for political happiness than any other nation had ever possessed. Placed in an immense tract of country, comprising many varieties of soil and climate, and abounding in all the necessaries and conveniences of life, they had had the further advantage of laying the foundations of their empire, not in a gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but in an epoch when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined than at any former period-an epoch rich with the accumulated knowledge and wisdom of preceding times. But the future would depend on the conduct of the existing generation. "This," said Washington, "is the favourable moment to give such a tone to our Federal Government as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution; or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the Confedera tion, and exposing us to become the sport of European politics, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. For, according to the system of policy the States shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and by their confirmation or lapse it is yet to be decided whether the Revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse. . . . . There are four things which I humbly conceive are essential to the well-being, I may even venture to say to the existence, of the United States as an inde pendent Power. First an indissoluble union of the States under one Federal head. Second: a sacred regard to public justice. Third: the adoption of a proper peace establishment; and, Fourth: the prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the United States which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies; to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity; and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advan tages to the interest of the community. These are

ONE of the dangers incidental to a state of peace supervening on a long war, and accompanied by a sense of wrong on the part of the army, was seen at the very time when Washington was writing his circular to the State Governors. The spirit of military insubordination which had broken out so seriously in 1781, and which could be checked only by granting large concessions to the mutineers, was again apparent among some of the Pennsylvanian regiments. About eighty of these troops, newly recruited, and stationed at Lancaster, sixty-seven miles from Philadelphia, rose in rebellion, and started in a body for the capital of the State, to demand a redress of grievances. On reaching the city, they were joined by two hundred of their comrades from the barracks, who had already acted with some turbulence; and on the 21st of June the whole force proceeded, with beat of drum and fixed bayonets, to the State House, where the Executive Council of Pennsylvania and the Federal Congress were in session. Sentinels were placed at every door, to prevent members escaping, and the mutineers then sent in a written message to the Council, threatening violence if their demands were not granted in the course of twenty minutes. They do not seem, however, to have had resolution

enough to act up to these menaces; and Congress, resolving to support the State Council in refusing to comply, sent information to Washington of what had happened, and determined to adjourn at once to Princeton, in New Jersey. After being detained for three hours, the members were permitted to retire; but the city continued to be overawed by the rioters, for the Executive Council had not force enough to protect either itself or Congress. On receiving the express from Philadelphia, Washington detached General Howe with fifteen hundred men to suppress the mutiny, which, being but feebly supported, was soon at an end. Several of the offenders were afterwards tried by court-martial, and found guilty. Of these, two were condemned to death, but ultimately pardoned, as they did not appear to have been principals in the mutiny, and as no lives had been lost, or property injured. Four received corporal punishment. Congress re-assembled at Princeton on the 30th, and shortly afterwards instituted an inquiry into the causes of the recent outbreak. It was mainly a question of pay, and Government was not in the most favourable position for redressing such grievances.

The disbanding of the army, which had already

to some extent been accomplished by the dismissal of so many men on furlough, was made the subject of a proclamation, dated the 18th of October, by which all officers and soldiers absent from the camp were relieved from further service, and all others who had engaged to serve during the war were to be discharged from and after the 3rd of November. A small force, composed of those who had enlisted for a definite time, was to be retained until the peace-establishment should be organised. In his circular to the Governors of the States, Washington had pointed to a militia as the most fitting permanent security for the country, and the first effectual resort in case of hostilities. It was therefore, he remarked, essential that the same system of organisation should pervade the whole, instead of varying with the several States; that the formation and discipline of the militia of the entire Federation should be absolutely uniform ; and that the same species of arms, accoutrements, and military apparatus, should be introduced into every part of the country. This was afterwards brought to pass; but for the present the subject was postponed.

In a General Order of November 2nd, Washington (whose head-quarters were now near Princeton) referred to the proclamation of the 18th of October, and went on to say that he then addressed the armies of the United States for the last time, and must bid them an affectionate and a long farewell. Having indulged himself in a retrospect of the past, remarked on the prospects of the country, offered some advice as to what he conceived to be the fittest line of conduct to be pursued, and expressed his obligations to his colleagues for the assistance they had rendered him, he observed:-" Being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave in a short time of the military character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has so long had the honour to command, he can only again offer in their behalf his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of Heaven's favours, both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the Divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others! With these wishes, and this benediction, the Commander-in-Chief is about to retire from service.

The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene, to him, will be closed for ever."

Sir Guy Carleton had received his final orders for the evacuation of New York as early as August. On the 17th of that month, he informed the President of Congress that he should lose no time in fulfilling his Majesty's commands, but that

he was unable to assign any precise period for carrying them into effect. The number of persons, and of goods of all kinds, to be removed, was so great that many weeks passed away without the English commander being in a position to quit the city which he occupied. The fears of the loyalists added greatly to his embarrassments, for they looked with no unreasonable terror to the vengeance which would overtake them when the British forces should have left. The newspapers abounded in menaces from committees formed in various towns and districts; and it was known from former experience that such threats were not mere idle declamation. Sir Guy felt that he could not leave any of these men behind, if they were themselves desirous of quitting the country; and he expressed himself disappointed that Congress had suspended to that late hour the recommendations as to a merciful treatment of the loyalists which had been stipulated by the treaty. The subject had indeed been brought before the Federal Legislature, but all conclusions on the matter were indefinitely postponed. At length, however, the 25th of November was named for the evacuation of New York. The occasion was one on which any little accident might have led to a most unfortunate collision between the troops that were marching out and the troops that were marching in-between those who were exasperated by defeat, and those who were inflamed with victory. A body of American soldiers, under the command of General Knox, proceeded in the morning from Haerlem to the Bowery Lane, where they remained till about one o'clock, when the British regiments left their posts in the Bowery, and the Americans marched forward, and took possession of the city. The Royal detachments at the various outlying posts had been drawn in some days before, and Washington had taken his station at Haerlem, accompanied by Governor Clinton, who had summoned the members of the State Council to meet at East Chester on the 21st of November, for the purpose of reestablishing civil government in the districts previously occupied by the enemy. Sir Guy Carleton had expressed a wish that Washington himself should be at hand to take immediate command of the city, as rumours were abroad that it was intended to plunder the place as soon as the King's troops had marched out. Washington doubted the existence of any such plot, but nevertheless considered it prudent to adopt precautions.

When the British troops had embarked on board their vessels, Washington and Clinton were escorted into the city with much pomp. They made their entry on horseback, followed by the

1783.]

Lieutenant-Governor and members of the Council, four abreast, by the Speaker of the Assembly, by General Knox and the officers of the army, eight abreast, by a body of cavalry, and by many spectators, both on horseback and on foot. An American lady, at that time young, gave an account of this imposing ceremonial, many years afterwards, to the celebrated author, Washington Irving. She related that the departing troopsthose of England-were equipped in all the splendour of scarlet uniforms and burnished arms; that the troops who marched in-the American-were ill-clad, weather-beaten, and forlorn as to mere appearance; but that the consciousness that they were the troops of her own country, and the recollection of all they had done and suffered, made her heart and her eyes full, and she admired and gloried in them the more because they were weather-beaten and forlorn.* Throughout the day, perfect tranquillity was maintained, and on that and the following days numerous banquets and festivities gave expression to the general joy.

Washington was now about to depart for Annapolis, in Maryland, where Congress was then assembling, and where it was his intention to ask leave to resign his command. On the 4th of December, a barge was in waiting at Whitehall ferry to convey him across the Hudson to Paulus Hook. It was not to be supposed that his old companions in arms would suffer him to depart without some final act of leave-taking. They accordingly assembled at a tavern in the neighbourhood of the ferry. Washington entered the room, and, finding himself surrounded by faces that had often been with him in the storm of battle and in imminent peril of death, was deeply agitated, in spite of his habitual self-restraint. Filling a glass of wine, he said, in impressive accents, "With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you, most devoutly wishing that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honourable." He then added, with even greater emotion, "I cannot go to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand." When this last farewell had been performed in profound silence-for all were so much affected that none could speak-the officers, many of whom were in tears, followed their commander as he left the room, and, passing through a corps of light infantry, escorted him to Whitehallferry. There he entered the barge, raised his hat, and waved a silent God-speed, which was returned

* Washington Irving's Life of Washington, chap. 161.

485

by those on shore until the boat disappeared from view.

Making a stay of some days at Philadelphia, Washington there adjusted, with the assistance of the Comptroller of the Treasury, his accounts from the commencement of the war down to the 13th of the existing month. All were in his own handwriting, and made with so much exactness that every entry was accompanied by a statement of the occasion and object of the charge. The sum-total of these accounts was £16,311 17s. 1d., including a sum of £1,982 10s. for secret intelligence and service. When Washington accepted his position as Commander-in-Chief of the American armies, he stated that he would receive no payments from the public, except for expenses actually incurred. This high resolve he nobly carried out. He even went farther, and, at the close of the war, found himself, at the final adjustment of accounts, a considerable loser. In the hurry of business, he had frequently neglected to credit himself with sums derived from his private purse when he had no public funds to draw upon, whilst every debit against himself was duly set down. It would have been fortunate for the United States if all their public servants had been equally disinterested, or even equally honest. In the earlier days of the struggle, there had undoubtedly been much peculation. A Committee of Congress had been appointed, in the first half of 1783, to inquire fully into the finances of the Federation; and this body reported on the 17th of June that, in comparing the expenditure of former years with that of more recent dates, they found, after making every allowance for the difference of times and circumstances, that the order and economy which had been introduced since the establishment of the Office of Finance had resulted in a great saving of public money. Two of the Massachusetts delegates acknowledged that it cost Congress at the rate of eighteen million dollars per annum to carry on the war until Mr. Morris was chosen financier, and that afterwards it cost them not more than about five millions.

In his progress through New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, to Annapolis, Washington was everywhere hailed with enthusiasm as the guardian, and one of the founders, of his country's liberties. On reaching the city whither he was bound, on the evening of the 19th of December, he prepared for the great closing scene of his military life. On the following day he informed Congress of his presence, and desired to know in what manner it would be most proper for him to offer his resignation. The members of the Legislature resolved that the