executed about a quarter of a year before, and Genet was a very ardent Republican. One object of his mission was to obtain the co-operation of the United States in the furtherance of French Republican designs. France was at war with England, Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, and Holland, and it was a matter of great importance to the new Government that it should obtain allies. The active friendship of the United States was anticipated; but, before the arrival of Genet at Philadelphia (for he lingered a good deal in the South), a split took place in the Government as to how the coming Envoy should be received. Hamilton, the Financial Secretary, and Knox, the Secretary at War, were for openly condemning the democratic Government of France, and refusing to accept its Minister, or at any rate for making his reception as cold as possible. Jefferson, the Secretary of State, and Randolph, the Attorney-General, took the opposite view, and maintained-what is now generally held to be the reason and justice of such matters-that America had no right to interfere with, or even criticise, the internal government of a country with which she was on terms of amity. It was agreed, however, even by this section of the Administration, that, for the sake of preserving neutrality, a proclamation should be issued, forbidding the citizens of the United States to equip vessels for the purpose of carrying on hostilities against any of the belligerent Powers. This was accordingly put forth, under date of April 22nd. The President resolved to receive the Envoy, but it was determined to make no allusion to the Treaty of Alliance concluded between France and the United States in 1778, by which it was stipulated that each Power should defend the other against England. Indeed, it was held by many that the Treaty in question expired with the War of Independence, out of which it grew.

Popular opinion was very much agitated by what was termed the French question, and much intemperate language was used by heated partisans on both sides. Washington was reviled by the democrats as a Royalist, and seems to have sometimes lost his self-control under these repeated attacks. Jefferson, in his "Anas," records a remarkable scene at a Cabinet Council on the 2nd of August. "Knox, in a foolish, incoherent sort of speech," says he, "introduced the pasquinade lately printed, called the Funeral of George Washington and James Wilson, King and Judge,' &c., where the President was placed on a guillotine. The President was much inflamed; got into one of those passions when he cannot command himself; ran on much on the personal abuse which had been

bestowed on him; defied any man on earth to produce one single act of his, since he had been in the Government, which was not done on the purest motives; that he had never repented but once the having slipped the moment of resigning his office, and that was every moment since; that by God he had rather be in his grave than in his present situation; that he had rather be on his farm than to be made Emperor of the world; and yet that they were charging him with wanting to be a King." This anecdote accords with what we know of the disposition of Washington. Imperturbable as he commonly appeared, there was a great deal of passion in the recesses of his nature; and this would occasionally break out with all the more vehemence because of its usual repression. The infirmity had increased of late years, and, according to Hamilton, the General's irritability had become so great towards the end of the war that his popularity with the army declined in consequence. The James Wilson referred to by Jefferson was one of the Judges of the Supreme Court.

Nothing could be more imprudent or objectionable than the conduct of Citizen Genet, as he called himself in the phraseology of French Republicanism. He should of course, on leaving France, have sailed direct to Philadelphia, as the Federal capital for the time being; instead of which he preferred to land at Charleston, for the furtherance of the secret purposes with which he was charged. There he remained six weeks, superintending the fitting out of cruisers designed for intercepting British vessels, and injuring British commerce. Notwithstanding these unwarrantable actions, and this lack of respect to the President and his Ministers, Genet made himself popular with the people of Charleston. Indeed, it is not difficult to believe that the position he assumed rendered him all the more agreeable to the natives of the South, who were not very favourable to the Federal Government, and who saw in privateering a great source of irregular profit. Even on his journey to Philadelphia, when at length he started, he received every manifestation of esteem and regard, and, on entering the Federal metropolis, crowds flocked out to meet him. These exhibitions of popular good-will seem to have entirely perverted whatever judgment he may have originally possessed. He came very shortly to the conclusion that he could defy the Proclamation of the President, com promise the neutrality of the United States, and use the country to which he was accredited as a tool for promoting the interests of his own. He continued to make arrangements for the sending forth of privateers, and even went so far as to

sanction the capture by his countrymen of vessels in the rivers, and therefore within the dominions, of the United States. French cruisers took captured vessels into American ports, where French consuls held Courts of Admiralty, by which the sale of prizes was authorised. And this was done even before Genet was recognised as the Minister of France by the American Government.

The conduct of the envoy was in fact so flagrant that even the section of the Cabinet which sympathised most with French ideas felt compelled to resist his assumptions. Jefferson, as Adams has related, was as little satisfied with the proceedings of the French Minister as anybody else. On the 7th of July he called on Genet, and told him he had received information of a certain vessel being furnished with extra guns in American waters, and about to sail on a privateering expedition. Being requested to detain this vessel until further inquiries could be made, Genet assumed a very high tone; charged the American Government with having violated the treaties between the two nations; complained that they suffered the French flag to be insulted and disregarded by the English; and, with an immense amount of vehement declamation, taxed the President's Administration with favouritism towards the British, and unfairness towards the French. If, he argued, the American authorities were unable to secure French vessels in American ports, and French property on the high seas, they ought to permit the representatives of France to protect them by their own action. He then dwelt on the friendly propositions he had brought out from his country, and observed that his instructions and his personal desires were to do whatever would gratify the American people. These very instructions, however, were in one respect such as to disgust all men of honourable feeling. They bitterly attacked the late regal Government of France, and asserted that the Ministers of Louis XVI. had plotted against the aggrandisement of the United States, even while, for selfish ends, promoting their independence of Great Britain. It cannot be denied that this statement was perfectly true; but, inasmuch as the Bourbon Monarchy had really, from whatever motive, largely assisted in the creation of the American Republic, it was extremely ungenerous for its successors to endeavour to destroy the natural gratitude of Americans towards an old ally. Anything, however, was considered fair by Citizen Genet, as long as the ends of faction could be served.

In his interview with Jefferson, Genet even presumed to lay down the law as to the constitution of

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the United States. He affirmed that the Executive should not have acted as it had done without consulting Congress, and said that on the return of the President from Mount Vernon he would certainly press him to convene that body. Jefferson explained that the American Constitution divided the functions of Government among three authorities---the Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary-each of which was supreme in all questions belonging to its own department, and independent of the others; that all the matters in dispute belonged to the Executive department; and that, even if Congress were sitting, those matters could not be submitted to its judgment. Genet asked if Congress were not sovereign. sovereign. Jefferson replied that it was sovereign only in making the laws; the Executive was sovereign in executing those laws, and the Judiciary in construing them in certain cases. It was for the President, said Jefferson, to see that treaties were observed. "But," urged Genet, "if he should decide against a treaty, to whom is a nation to appeal?" Jefferson's response was that the Constitution had made the President himself the last appeal. Hereupon the French citizen made the American citizen a bow, and said he could not compliment him on such a Constitution. Genet had now regained his coolness, and Jefferson remarked on the impropriety of his conduct in persevering in measures contrary to the will of the Government, and in defiance of its obvious rights. The subject of the privateer was then once more brought forward by the American Secretary of State, who repeated his request that the vessel should be detained. Genet answered that he should not be justified in detaining her; he could not make any promise; it would be out of his duty to do so; but he was able to state that the vessel was not in readiness, and therefore could not sail that day. Jefferson, however, could get from him no direct promise that she would remain until after the return of the President from the country, though his language and gestures seemed to imply that such would be the case. The Secretary finally said he would take it for granted that the ship would not be ready before the President's return; and the two shortly afterwards parted.*

In the course of this interview, Genet gave Jefferson to understand that he should publish a narrative or statement of the transactions; and some time before, in conversing with Mr. Dallas, he went the astounding length of saying that he would appeal from the President to the people. This was a direct incentive to one of those revo

#Jefferson's Minutes of his Conversation with Genet.

misinformation, the industry, and the manœuvres of that party some of the decisions of the Executive. He complained that the agents employed by Government acted with gross partiality; that they allowed not a single movement of a French vessel to pass unnoticed, yet never informed against an English one arming, or informed only when it was too late to stop her. Jefferson seems to have acted throughout this business with entire good faith, and perhaps with greater prudence than some of his colleagues would have shown. The Secre

at that time at Gloucester Point, and soon afterwards fell down to Chester-influenced, possibly, by a fear that the Government would take some such course as that suggested. Many of the American newspapers severely criticised the policy of the Cabinet in restraining the furious partizanship of Citizen Genet. There was no doubt a war-party in the United States, as well as a peaceparty; but it is certain that the latter greatly outnumbered the former for the moment. Henry Lee, in writing to President Washington, said he

believed that nine-tenths of the American people applauded the system of neutrality declared in the President's Proclamation. Genet had endeavoured to enlist Lee on his side, and had suggested to him the desirability of the United States taking part in the war then commencing in Europe. He observed that, in case Royalty were re-established in France, the European monarchs would combine to destroy liberty in America, and that the very existence of the United States as a nation depended on the success of the Republican system in Paris, to aid which the Americans might conveniently make important diversions on their Southern and Northern neighbours--to wit, Spain in the Floridas, and Great Britain in Canada. To this argument Lee opposed their infant state as a people, their love of peace, the heavy debt which oppressed them in consequence of the last war, the probable futility. of such vast enterprises, and the certainty that France would derive more benefit from retaining within her own bosom all her resources of men and money than could possibly ensue from doubtful adventures.

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The dispute between the French Envoy and the American Government continued for a long while. Genet maintained that the treaty between France and the United States (the permanent existence of which was very doubtful) sanctioned such measures as those he desired to see taken, and that any culties thrown in their way would be infractions of that treaty, and treason against the rights of man. The Government nevertheless arrested two persons engaged in privateering. Genet at once demanded their release, and adopted a tone of menace which was not at all likely to effect his purpose. He relied upon the support which he found in a certain section of the people-that section which affected Anti-Federalist and democratic ideas. Several persons belonging to this party entertained the French Minister at great feasts, wherein red caps of liberty were circulated, and toasts of a seditious character were proposed. Some of the worst features of French political life flourished rankly in these circles. Jacobin societies were formed, and at Philadelphia a club was set on foot, the object of which was to overrule both the Legislature and the Government, after the fashion of similar associations at Paris. Emboldened by these tokens of support, Genet determined to defy even more openly the authority of the President and his Ministers. Although he had certainly given Jefferson to understand, without positively stating so in distinct language, that the privateer then being armed should not sail until the President's return from the country, he permitted that vessel to depart without

Whilst the

awaiting any further conferences. Government was consulting its law officers as to what would be the fittest course to pursue, the French Envoy set up a counter complaint, and alleged that the British were in the habit of taking French property out of American vessels, contrary to the principles of neutrality avowed by the rest of Europe. Jefferson replied that the British were legally entitled to do so. "I believe," he said, “it cannot be doubted but that, by the general law of nations, the goods of a friend found in the vessel of an enemy are free, and the goods of an enemy found in the vessel of a friend are lawful prize." Genet was furious. He retorted by again threatening to appeal from the President to the people; and to some extent he was supported in his estimate of the popular sympathies, for a person tried at Charleston on a charge of privateering was acquitted by the jury. The Government, however, was resolved not to be intimidated. Orders were issued against permitting privateers in the ports, for preventing captures within the American waters, and for restoring captures so made; and the American Minister at Paris was instructed to demand the recall of Genet. As if foreseeing that the end of his power was near at hand, the Envoy now observed no measure in his violence. He caused the forcible rescue of a reclaimed prize, and it sailed in possession of the original French captors. In due course, Genet's credentials were annulled by the Government which had sent him out. He feared, however, to return to his own country, where it is not improbable that his ill-success would have been avenged by his death, after the fashion then common among French Republicans. Conceiving himself much safer in the land whose Government he had outraged, he married a daughter of Governor Clinton, of New York, and remained in the United States to the close of his life, which was extended to the year 1834.

It was not merely with the French Republic that the United States came into collision on this delicate question of neutrality. The English Government was as arrogant as that of France. Orders were issued from London for stopping all neutral ships laden with provisions that might be bound for French ports. This was a serious check upon American trade, which consisted largely of exports of corn, and it is not surprising that both the people and the Government of the United States should have resisted such an assumption. It was also alleged that England was in the habit of pressing American seamen for her own navy. It is probable that she intended only to reclaim her own subjects who had become American citizens: