no answer at all, and that of Mr. Canning was considered insulting. The distress occasioned by the embargo increased with every day, and the Democratic party was obviously losing ground in consequence of the support which its members gave to that questionable measure. Jefferson about this time wrote to a friend :-"The Federalists are now playing a game of the most mischievous tendency, without, perhaps, being themselves aware of it. They are endeavouring to convince England that we suffer more from the embargo than they do, and that, if they will hold out awhile, we must abandon it. It is true that the time will come when we must abandon it; but if this is before the repeal of the

much longer to the embargo, but to separate themselves from the Union if it were not speedily rescinded. He gave it as his opinion that, owing to the severe pressure of the embargo upon that mercantile and trading communion, they would be supported in such a course by the great body of the people, and that they were already receiving the countenance of a secret agent of Great Britain. In more recent times, however, it has been denied that the Federalists ever had such an intention. Shortly after the accession of Jefferson to the Presidency, John Quincy Adams had been removed from his position as one of the Bankruptcy Commissioners, on the reduction in the number of those

cratic party, and shortly afterwards, under the Presidency of Mr. Madison, he obtained the appointment of Minister to St. Petersburg. As regards the state of affairs in the North, his information may in some points have been incorrect; but it is unquestionable that opinion in that quarter was strongly directed against interruption to the ordinary course of business. A report was drawn up by the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, which declared the embargo ruinous at home, unsatisfactory to France, and ineffectual as a retaliation upon England.

issue. Before the close of the session, Congress determined to recommend, for the present, a continuance of the embargo; but, as a juster conduct on the part of the belligerents might render it unnecessary, they further suggested that a power of suspending it should be vested in the Executive until the next meeting of the two Houses. A law was then passed, authorising the President to suspend the Embargo Act in the event of a peace between the belligerents of Europe, or in case such changes should take place in their measures affecting

neutral commerce as might render the trade of the United States sufficiently safe.

During the discussion of these important and difficult matters, preparations were being made for the next Presidential election. The two candidates of the Democratic party were Madison and Monroe, both natives of Virginia. Madison, it was well known, would continue the policy of Jefferson, of whose Administration he had throughout been the leading member. Monroe received the support of John Randolph, and of those seceders from the Democratic party who ranged themselves under Randolph's guidance. There could be little doubt, however, that the choice would rest with Madison, who, on the retirement of Jefferson, would be the obvious and unquestionable leader of the great body which his intellect and character adorned. The strength of the two candidates was tested in a caucus* of the Democratic members of the Virginian Legislature, and also in a caucus of the Democratic members of Congress; on both which occasions a large majority declared for the Secretary of State. He was therefore nominated for the office of President, and George Clinton, of New York, for that of Vice-President. Mr. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, of South Carolina, and Rufus King, were the candidates of the Federal party; and the former received the votes of all the New England States, except Vermont, the vote of Delaware, two votes in Maryland, and three in North Carolina-making in all forty-seven votes. George Clinton received six of the nineteen votes of New York, and James Madison all the rest, amounting to one hundred and twenty-two. Madison, therefore, was the President for the ensuing four years, and Clinton retained the position of Vice-President, which he had held since 1805. Mr. Monroe received scarcely any support at all, and even for the inferior office failed in obtaining more than three votes.

Three days before Jefferson retired from officeviz., on the 1st of March, 1809-the Embargo Act was repealed by Congress, which simultaneously passed a law forbidding all commercial intercourse with England and France until the Orders in Council and the decrees should be repealed. This change afforded some relief to the people, since it reopened commercial intercourse with all nations excepting the two chief belligerent Powers of Europe. But these exceptions were so serious that the measure gave very slight satisfaction to the commercial interests of the North-eastern States.

* The word caucus is used in America to denote a meeting of citizens to agree upon candidates to be proposed for election to offices, or to concert measures for supporting a party. The origin of the word is not ascertained.-Webster's Dictionary.

Jefferson, who had entered office as the head of a vast and then undivided body, and who was at that time one of the most popular men in the whole Union, relinquished power in the midst of discord and doubtful party relations, the victim, to a great extent, of circumstances which it was impossible to alter or control, but also, in some degree, of his own vehement feelings, which always gave the utmost sharpness to his measures against England, but which, while starting from an extravagant flattery of French principles of rule, ended in placing his Administration in a position of antagonism towards the Government of Napoleon. On another question-the removability of the judges-the views of Jefferson made him unpopular with the Federals; and the impeachment of Judge Chase, in 1804, on charges of misconduct arising out of political feeling -a proceeding which resulted in the acquittal of the accused as to every one of the eight indictments— reflected little credit on the Government or the Legislature. But all these matters had now passed into other hands. Jefferson bade farewell to Washington on the 4th of March, 1809, and retired to his country seat at Monticello, Virginia-doubtless as heartily pleased as his two predecessors to leave the tumult of politics for the quiet of retirement.

Madison took up the reins of office at an epoch of gloom, depression, and discontent. Two months before his assumption of power, the Massachusetts Legislature had painted the general situation in very sombre terms. "Our agriculture," they said, "is discouraged; the fisheries abandoned; navigation forbidden; our commerce at home restrained, if not annihilated; our commerce abroad cut off: our navy sold, dismantled, or degraded to the service of cutters or gun-boats; the revenue extinguished; the course of justice interrupted; and the nation weakened by internal animosities and divisions, at the moment when it is unnecessarily and improvidently exposed to war with Great Britain. France, and Spain." If somewhat exaggerated by the warmth of party feeling, this statement was nevertheless true in the main. By the people of the North-eastern States it was greatly doubted whether matters would experience any improvement under the administration of Mr. Madison: but his inaugural address had so suave and cociliatory a character that most of his opponents were re-assured, and inclined at least to give him a trial. He was a man of very large political experience; his character was honourable and amiable; and, having at different periods of his life been connected with both political parties, it might not unnaturally be supposed that he would equally understand their conflicting views, and be

1809.]

desirous of reconciling extreme opinions by the adoption of some middle course. It was held that the repeal of the Embargo Act offered a favourable opportunity for renewing negotiations with England. Mr. Erskine, the British Minister at Washington, had recently received from his Government full powers to treat, together with instructions as to the points to be insisted on. He was to consent to withdraw the Orders in Council on all essential points, provided that certain preliminary conditions were granted that is to say, a repeal of the prohibition against English ships appearing in American waters, and the abandonment by the United States of their assumed right to trade with such of the French colonies as they were not permitted to trade with in peace. Mr. Erskine considered that the suspension of non-intercourse would be a fair equivalent for that of the Orders in Council, and therefore promised that these should cease to be in force at a certain epoch. The President accordingly, on the 19th of April, suspended the Nonintercourse Act; but, unfortunately, matters were marching a great deal faster than the British Government designed. The promises of Mr. Erskine were disavowed by the Administration in England, and the Orders in Council were suspended only so far as not to endanger those vessels which had sailed from America on the faith of the understanding which had been come to at Washington.

The consequence was a re-proclamation of non-intercourse, which was made by the President on the 10th of August. The war-feeling now revived in all its bitterness, and Madison could scarcely restrain the popular impatience for hostilities. Mr. Erskine was recalled, on the plea that he had made engagements for which he had no sufficient authority, and Mr. Jackson was appointed his successor. In a correspondence between this gentleman and the Secretary of State, the former insinuated that the American Government knew Mr. Erskine had not been authorised to make the recent arrangements, and therefore knew also that they would not be binding on England. This imputation was distinctly denied by the Secretary, Mr. Robert Smith, but was subsequently repeated in an offensive manner by Mr. Jackson. The British representative was thereupon informed that, on account of his indecorous conduct, no other communication from him would be received. He was shortly afterwards recalled by his Government, and the wearisome and barren dispute seemed as far from settlement as ever.

Application was now again made by America to France, for the repeal of those decrees which had proved so injurious to the commerce of the United

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States. Napoleon replied that his ordinances had been issued only by way of retaliation, and that they would be immediately nullified if England recalled her blockade and her Orders in Council. In consequence of this answer, Mr. Madison obtained from the majority of Congress certain resolutions approving of the policy adopted by the French Emperor towards England. Such a step was certainly most objectionable, and little calculated to remove the difficulties existing between America and Great Britain. Massachusetts protested against this exhibition of ill-will; but the opinion of America in general supported the President and Congress in the policy they had adopted. Preparations for war were pushed forward with redoubled activity, and attempts were made to produce at home those manufactures which the Americans had hitherto imported from England. On the other hand, the commercial classes in the old country endeavoured to find in Canada the commodities which they had been in the habit of deriving from the United States; and both nations suffered acutely because their rulers could not agree on certain political questions which might have been settled in a few days, had the two sides been governed by a spirit of fairness and conciliation.

The Non-intercourse Act expired in 1810, and the Americans took advantage of the opportunity to request once more that the restrictions of the two belligerents might be removed. The French Sovereign had issued from Rambouillet, on the 23rd of March, a decree more severe in its operation than any of its predecessors. He declared forfeit every American vessel which had entered French ports since the commencement of the month, or that might afterwards enter; authorised the sale of the same, together with the cargoes; and directed that the money should be paid into the French treasury. This sweeping measure was justified on the ground that it was made in retaliation for the American law of non-intercourse. The latest proposals of the American Government, which were put forth in May, contemplated the resumption of commercial intercourse with either France or England, or both, provided their despotic Orders should be abandoned by the 3rd of March, 1811. The Act provided that, if either Government should repeal its decrees, and if the other Government should not do the same within the following three months, the first should enjoy commercial intercourse with the United States, but the other should not. In response to this invitation, the French Emperor behaved with great duplicity, and the British Government with great arrogance. The former assured the President, in August, that the

desired repeal should take effect in November. Madison accordingly proclaimed the resumption of intercourse with France; but, in spite of all promises to the contrary, American vessels continued to be captured by the French, and in March, 1811, Napoleon declared the decrees of Berlin and Milan to be fundamental laws of the Empire. Moreover, a new Envoy from France gave official notice to the American Government that no remuneration would be made for property seized and confiscated. England had from the first told the United States Minister at London that the French Emperor could not be sincere in his declarations, as the repeal of his decrees would have broken through the Continental System (that by which he hoped to shut out the commerce of England from every European port), which was an unalterable part of his policy. On this account, and also because of the menacing tone assumed by the American Government, the English Administration declined to recall the Orders in Council, and, after a good deal of vain discussion, Mr. Pinckney determined to take leave, and return to Washington.

Another hostile collision at sea now brought matters still nearer to a declaration of war. A British sloop, the Little Belt, commanded by Captain Bingham, was engaged in the interception of American merchant-vessels on the coast of the United States during the early months of 1811. On the 16th of April, off the shores of Virginia, she encountered the American frigate President,

under Commodore Rogers. That officer hailed the sloop, and was himself hailed almost simultaneously. Neither officer would reply, and, after another interchange of hailing, without any response, the English vessel fired into the American. The fire was returned, and a brief but sanguinary struggle ensued, ending in the mutual rendering of that information which ought to have been given at first. The conduct of both officers was approved by their respective Governments, and in America popular feeling was highly excited by the haughty claims of England. The cry for war was almost universal, and it was felt that the country could hardly suffer more from a state of open hostility than it was then suffering from a state of nominal peace. All American merchantmen, departing or returning, were boarded and searched, and many were sent to British ports as legal prizes. The system of impressing American sailors alleged to be British subjects was continued with the utmost rigour, and it is to be feared that in many instances the proceedings of British naval officers were not merely harsh, but needlessly insulting. Since 1803, the English cruisers had captured nine hundred American vessels, and the injury to commerce was so great that the nation was threatened with pecuniary ruin. It was with difficulty that the Government could even moderate the indignation of the people; and before the close of 1811 it had become only too clear that war with England was inevitable within a period of a very few months.

Now that the necessity for encountering the British had again arisen, it became a matter of serious importance to determine how the requisite forces were to be found. Jefferson, during his term of office, had

reduced the growing navy of the Republic to the most slender dimensions; jealousy of a standing army was a powerful sentiment with the Democrats, who had been the dominant party since the begin