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Virility is as essential to educational progress as it is to industrial progress. I am in the habit of saying that, from an educational point of view, it is on the whole easier to make blue blood out of red blood, than it is to make red blood out of blue blood. The reaction from the higher education upon the family of the wage earner is yet to be seen, but no one can doubt its broadening influence. As the representatives of these families become more numerous in our colleges and universities, and as they have time to make a place for themselves in all the great callings, they will of necessity lift those whom they represent toward their own level. Some of them will become captains of industry. I believe that in that capacity they will also become leaders of labor. For, as it seems to me, the settlement of the relations of capital and labor is to be more and more not in the hands of men who have been trained away from one another, but in the hands of men who have been trained toward one another. If we are to have industrial peace we must have the industrial virtues. These virtues are, honesty in work and in the wage of work, absolute fidelity on both sides in keeping agreements at whatever cost, and above all that sense of justice which can come only through the ability of one man to put himself in another man's place. This last virtue ought to be the product of the intellectual and ethical training of the schools. It is their business to teach us how to think right as well as how to feel right toward our fellow men.

I mention another source of freedom and breadth and power to the wage earner, a source which is common to all, namely, satisfaction in his work. The wage is not, and never can be, the sufficient reward of labor. This is just as true of the salary as of the wage. The difference at present lies in the fact that the person on a low salary is apt to take more satisfaction in his work than the person on a high wage-the school teacher on $800 or $1,000 a year in distinction from the mechanic on $4 or $6 a day. The present ambition of the higher-wage earner seems to incline more to the pecuniary rewards of his work than to the work itself. Doubtless this tendency is due in no slight degree to the fact that the wage earner is brought into constant and immediate contact with the money-making class. He sees that the value of the industry is measured chiefly by its profits. Sometimes the profits are flaunted in his face. At all times the thing most in evidence to him is money. I deprecate this constant comparison between the capitalist and the laborer. The comparison were far better taken between the workman and other men whose chief reward is not money. The old time professions still live and maintain their position through a certain detachment from pecuniary rewards. The exceptional doctor may receive large fees, but his profession forbids him to make a dollar out of any discovery which he may mance, Inedicine. The exceptional minister may receive a large salary, 'industry. ssion puts the premium upon self-denying work. Even the

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law is more distinctively represented by the moderate salary of the average judge than by the retainer of the counsel for a wealthy corporation. The skilled workman, the artisan, belongs with these men, not with the money makers. In allowing himself to be commercialized he enters upon a cheap and unsatisfying competition. His work is an art, and he has the possible rewards of the artist. Under mediævalism the guild and the university were not far apart. I should like to see the relation restored and extended.

I am not speaking in this connection of the unskilled laborer. There is a point below which it is impossible to idealize labor. The man who works in ceaseless and petty monotony, and under physical discomfort and danger, cannot do anything more than to earn an honest livelihood, if, indeed, he receives the living wage. But he is as far removed from the advanced wage earner of our day as he is from any of the well-supported and well-rewarded classes. For him we are all bound to work, and to act, and to think, not as an object of our charity, but as a part of our industrial brotherhood. And whenever a great labor leader, be he John Burns or John Mitchell, goes to his relief and tries to give him self-supporting and self-respecting standing, we should count it not a duty but an honor to follow the leading. But equally do I hold it to be a duty and an honor, that as the wage earner advances in intelligence, in pecuniary reward, and in position, he should take his place without any reservation whatever among those who are trying to meet the responsibilities which attach to citizenship in a democracy.

I have not attempted, gentlemen, to enter at all in this brief discussion into the technical aspects of your work, but I am aware that I have covered ground entirely familiar to you. Very likely your broader judgment and clearer insight into details may modify some of my positions or make them untenable. But viewing the present disposition and purpose of the best intentioned leaders in the ranks of organized labor, with many of whom you have to do, I am convinced that their avowed object is not commensurate with their opportunity. I am convinced that the interpretation put upon the mind of the wage earner, if it represents a present fact, ought to suggest a duty toward the mind of labor. That duty is to give it freedom, breadth, expansion, to incorporate it into the common mind of aspiration and hope, the American type of mind. In saying this I do not overlook or minimize the imperative duty to raise the lowest wage earner to the highest place to which he can be lifted, and to give a future to his children and to his children's children. I would urge in the full apostolic sense the old apostolic injunction, "We that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak." But I would not stop with this duty. I would make the wage earner as he grows stronger a helper all round, a partner in all the serious work of the republic, power in that commonwealth which draws no line within. hopes of man.

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NIGHT WORK IN TEXTILE MILLS.

The statutes of Massachusetts in relation to the employment of women and minors in manufacturing or mechanical establishments are comprehensive and explicit in their provisions. These are contained in Sections 24 and 27 of Chapter 106 of the Revised Laws, which are appended.

SECTION 24. No child under eighteen years of age and no woman shall be employed in laboring in a manufacturing or mechanical establishment more than ten hours in any one day, except as hereinafter provided in this section, unless a different apportionment of the hours of labor is made for the sole purpose of making a shorter day's work for one day of the week; and in no case shall the hours of labor exceed fifty-eight in a week. Every employer shall post in a conspicuous place in every room in which such persons are employed a printed notice stating the number of hours' work required of them on each day of the week, the hours of commencing and stopping work, and the hours when the time allowed for meals begins and ends or, in the case of establishments exempted from the provisions of sections thirty-six and thirty-seven, the time, if any, allowed for meals. The printed forms of such notices shall be provided by the chief of the district police, after approval by the attorney general. The employment of such person for a longer time in a day than that so stated shall be deemed a violation of the provisions of this section unless it appears that such employment was to make up time lost on a previous day of the same week in consequence of the stopping of machinery upon which he was employed or dependent for employment; but no stopping of machinery for less than thirty consecutive minutes shall justify such overtime employment, nor shall such overtime employment be authorized until a written report of the day and hour of its occurrence and its duration is sent to the chief of the district police or to an inspector of factories and public buildings.

SECTION 27. No person, and no agent or officer of a person or corporation, shall employ a woman or minor in any capacity for the purpose of manufacturing between ten o'clock at night and six o'clock in the morning. Whoever violates the provisions of this section shall be punished by a fine of not less than twenty nor more than fifty dollars for each offence.

Special Agents of the Bureau visited 169 mills in the following cities and towns:

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Of the 169 mills, 115 were located in the cities of Fall River, Lawrence, Lowell, and New Bedford, all recognized centres of the textile industry. The 169 mills employed in 1903 an average force of 50,000 women and 30,000 young persons under 21 years of age.

The following table shows the number of women and minors employed after six P.M., and the number of hours worked during each month of the year 1903:

Number of Women and Minors employed after Six p.m. and the Number of Hours

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The women and minors shown in the table as engaged in night work were employed in 12 different mills, 157 of the mills reporting that no women or minors were employed by them after six P.M. Of the 12 mills, eight employed women only, and the other four employed both women and minors. None of the women or minors so employed worked in the mills during the entire day, the 58-hour law being strictly obeyed.

The facts and figures contained in the table, and in the remainder of this article, were obtained from the books of the firms and corporations by our Special Agents, and each agent was required to certify to the fact on the report for each mill visited by him. In the majority of cases the paymaster or other officer also certified as to the correctness of the reports.

A consideration of the table shows that the service was rendered by an average of 175 women and 15 minors. The greatest number of women employed in any one month was 329, in February, 1903; the greatest number of minors was 47, employed during the same month.

In that month the 329 women were employed 11,089.8 hours, an average of 33.7 hours, or only four hours more than one-half of the time worked each week by the day workers.

The minors employed during the month of February worked, on the average, 49.5 hours, or 8.5 hours less in a month than the day workers did in a week.

Taking the results for the year, we find that an average of very nearly 175 women worked 6,275 hours, or very nearly 36 hours a month, being 62 per cent of a regular week's work. During the same year an average force of 15 minors worked 558 hours on the average, or a little more than 37 hours a month, being 64 per cent of a regular week's work.

Of the 10 mills employing women only after six P.M., during the year 1903, one employed them for two months; one for three months; four for

four months; two for five months; and two for each month in the year. Of the two mills employing both women and minors at night work, one gave employment for 10 months, the other furnishing employment to the women for the entire year, but the minors were employed for only three months, January, February, and March.

These 12 mills employed in 1903, on the average, 3,931 women over 21 years of age, and 2,239 young persons under 21 years of age. The next table shows the rate of pay for night work for women and minors in the 12 mills.

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In conclusion, from the statements made to the Bureau agents by the mill officers, we present some extracts showing the nature of the night work performed by the women and minors so employed, the reasons given for considering night work necessary, and the extra pay allowed women and minors for different branches of the work. The figures preceding each excerpt are the "office numbers" prefixed to identify the different mills.

No. 3. Employed women during the months of June, July, August, and September, four hours a night, that is, from six P.M. until 10 P.M. five nights a week. The persons who worked nights in this mill did not work during the day in this or any other mill, and received 10 per cent advance over the day rate of pay.

No. 5. Employed women in twisting department during the nights of January, February, and March. They received no extra pay for night work, but for each 50 hours 58 hours' time was allowed, equivalent to an increase of 1610 per cent. French drawers (women) worked August, September, and October and received 131⁄2 cents for night work, an increase of 140 per cent over the day rate. Quillers and spoolers (women) worked some portion of the night for all the months except August, September, and October and received time and a quarter. Gill boxers (women) worked during March, April, August, and September and received 132 cents an hour for night work, an advance over the day rate of 2210 per cent. Rovers (women) worked February, March, April, May, August, and September and received 131⁄2 cents an hour for night work, an increase of 20% per cent over the day rate. Weighers (minors) worked January, February, and March and received 12 cents an hour for night work, an increase over the day rate of 260 per cent. Fitting tenders (minors) worked nights in January, February, and March and received 12 cents an hour for night work, an increase over the day rate of 260 per cent. Doffers (minors) worked January, February, and March and received 12 cents an hour for night work, an advance over the day rate per hour of 50 per cent.

No. 15. The women who were employed after six o'clock P.M. during 1903 were not employed in this or any other mill during the day time. They were women of families, who were engaged in household duties during the day and worked in the mill nights in order to increase their limited incomes, which opportunity was eagerly solicited by them. Their pay for work in the mill was 15 cents an hour for night work as against 100 cents an hour paid day hands, an advance of 38% per cent. The work is sought by this class of employees, instead of its being imposed upon them.

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