his own signature, a disavowal of ever having utter】 ed a sentiment derogatory to the character of general Jackson, and a broad intimation that from imprudence and folly-in order to be respected and to accomplish all his ends. It requires however some decision of character to make a stand against the imposing airs of a despotic go. vernment, and some knowledge of mankind to de-general Scott has at least exaggerated the truth. tect the punic craftiness and wiles of the court of Tunis. [D. Adver. EDITOR'S CABINET. Mr. Pell, speaking avowedly under the authority, and indeed in the words, of governor Clinton, treats general Scott with infinite scorn and contempt; and the governor himself is quite as unceCITY OF WASHINGTON, remonious. As to the autho.ship of the anonymous APRIL 10, 1819. letter, governor Clinton unequivocally disclaims it. Generals Jackson and Scott.-It is truly painful We do not load our pages with this altercation. to find two of the most distinguished officers of It is a private feud, with a little of an electioneerthe army of the United States engaged in an opening complexion. To none of the parties does it controversy in the newspapers, the language and do any credit; although we think governor Clinton may be fairly said to have been dragged out in his own vindication. arguments of which are by no means calculated to increase their reputations. What appears laughable in this affair is, the very casuistical manner in which general Scott reasons himself into a method of violating an established rule of the war office, which prohibits military men from resorting to newspaper warfare. "I am forbidden to publish in print, (quoth general Scott, in substance,) but I may circulate copies in The origin and progress of the quarrel between the generals Jackson and Scott are briefly as follows: A distinguished topographical engineer, two or three years ago, was detached by the Secretary of War, from general Jackson's command, to survey and make report of a portion of the north western part of the territory of the United States. This officer, having performed the ser-manuscript, because general Jackson did the same: vice with fidelity and intelligence, obtained permission from the head of the war office to furnish if these fall into the hands of others, who may carry them to the press, and they thus get into print, a copy of his report for publication, and it was it is not I that publish them, and consequently the first published in the National Register. When rule of the war department is not by me violated.” the report met the eye of general Jackson, he be- This subtlety reminds us of Sterne's ladies in the came inflamed, chiefly, we presume, because the cabriolet, whose horse would not pull. One of officer had been detached without his privity and them said she knew a word that would make him sanction: Whereupon general Jackson issued a pull, but that it was quite sinful to pronounce it. general order, condemning, in strong terms, the So the ladies very ingeniously divided the word, interference of the war office with his command. one pronouncing the first syllable and the other This order excited much conversation at the time, the second-and the horse went on gaily. Gene. inasmuch as it implied a censure upon the war ral Scott gets on in the same manner. He furdepartment, which was virtually a censure of the nishes the manuscript—that is half. Another perPresident of the United States himself, and thereson gets it printed-that is the other half. So the fore wholly unmilitary. General Scott, it now ap-benefit is enjoyed and the sin or penalty avoided. pears, among others, had spoken freely on the subject; and had held the order to be "mutinous." General Jackson at length heard of this opinion of general Scott's, as the former says, through the medium of an anonymous letter; and thereupon general Jackson wrote to general Scott, who made a frank avowal of his opinion, which drew from general Jackson a sharp and acrimonious retort, in the nature of an insult and a challenge. This challenge general Scott declined—and we think very properly. But general Scott goes further. He alludes to a conversation he had with governor President's Tour.-The President reached NorClinton, of New York, respecting general Jack-folk in safety from Washington, and was received son's order; and more than insinuates that go with marks of great distinction by the ir.habitants. vernor Clinton either wrote, or caused to be writ- He was present at the laying of the corner stone ten, the anonymous letter to general Jackson. of a new Custom-house there, and partook of a This allegation has drawn from governor Clinton, public dinner, prepared in compliment to him. indirectly, under the signature of his military se- From Norfolk the President passed on to the cretary, "Ferris Pell," and also directly, under southward, through the Dismal Swamp Canal. We trust there will soon be an end to these squabbles, or at any rate that the tone of them may be a little softened. General Jackson writes pretty much as he fights-impetuous and fierce. His letters to general Scott have very little of the tenderness of a billet-doux in them. The fame of both Jackson and Scott stands high in Europe. When their dispute is read there what will be thought of them? For the honor of the army we lament that any thing of the kind has taken place. Printed and Published, every Saturday, by Lawrence, Wilson, & Co. at five dollars per annum. SELECTED.-Doчuments accompanying Mr. Secretary Adams' letter to Mr. Erving, concerning the incidents of the Seminole War, 244,-Decree of the King of Spain -improvement in Canada; a Canal from St. John's to concerning foreigners in the service of the Patriots, 248. of the mail, 250.-Trial and conviction of mail robbers at Measures of Administration. surveying different parts of the coast, fixing upon proper sites for arsenals and depots, and giving additional security to navigation. Under president Monroe's administration our territorial limits have been fixed, by treaties with Great Britain and with spain, from the river Mississippi to the northern Pacific Ocean; and the whole of the Floridas have been added to the empire of the republic. The national debt has been rapidly diminishing for the last two years; and there has always been money enough in the treasury to meet lawful demands upon it. The calls of humanity have not been unattended to. The Indians, whilst their excesses have been checked, have been courtAt the commencement of the late sessioned and encouraged to improve their condiof Congress, the President, in his first mes- tion. They are solicited to enter the comsage, congratulated that body on the flou-munity of the whites, not as slaves, but upon rishing condition of the country; and this equal terms, as brothers. Government has congratulation has givense to many que-not, like Mahomet, presented to them a farulous disquisitions, founded upon intima-bulous creed in one hand and the sword of tions that the government itself has, by its extermination in the other; but has held measures, reduced the community almost out to them the comforts and profits of to a state of ruin. The best answer to Christian civilization. all the cavils which have been made in this respect, is a plain reference to undeniable facts. What, then, have been the acts, good and evil, of president MONROE's administration? When Mr. Jefferson came into power, and the internal taxes were abolished, that aboliti on was hailed as a miracle of ameli oration. Upon Mr. Monroe's accession, the same description of taxes, to a much greater amount, were, upon his recommendation, also repealed. If the act of Mr. Jefferson, in this respect, was good, so was that of Mr. Monroe; and even better, for the taxes were not only greater in amount, but there was a reasonable pretext for keeping them on; namely: to pay off the heavy war debt. At Mr. Monroe's suggestion, likewise, the officers and soldiers of the revolution have been provided for. This is a measure, not only creditable to the president, but honorable to the nation; and, to the latest generations, it will "tell well in history." Why, therefore, find fault? Manufactures, it is said, are not encouraged. But is it not apparent that encouragement of manufactures belongs, not to the executive, but to the legislative, part of the government? Domestic manufactures are not to seek for their adversaries in the public departments at Washington, but in the classes of society whose pursuits conflict with them. The store-keepers and the landholders are their rivals. The storekeepers live by the re-sale of foreign goods, and the landholders are impressed with the opinion that a diminution in the quantity of foreign goods imported, would be attended by a diminution in the amount of native products consumed in foreign countries. Such is the leading obstacle to the advancement of domestic manufactures, which have also to encounter difficulties in the high price of labor and in the want of moneyed capital. Navigation, too, it is said, languishes. Is that to be wondered at? If this complaint means any thing, it means that the active At the earnest recommendation of Mr. tonnage of the United States is not so great Monroe, moreover, large appropriations at present as it was during the wars of the have been made for increasing the navy, for French revolution. "In 1790, the registerasgmenting fortifications; and suitable offi-"ed tonnage of the United States consisted cers have been incessantly employed in "" of 346,254 tons; in 1816, it amounted to "800,759 tons. In 1790, the tonnage of 2. The seizure of Amelia Island. And3. The invasion of Florida. Of the first of these acts, or rather no every description amounted to 478,377 tons; in 1816, it was extended to 1,372,218 "tons."* This enormous increase was oc-act, the fault-finding has been so vague and casioned by the neutral position of the wild, that it is difficult to fix upon any United States during the wars in question, one point wherein the advocates of the rewhich rendered them, without a war pre-cognition of South American Independence mium for insurance, the carriers of almost all the nations of Europe. When the late general peace took place there, the several nations of that quarter of the world would naturally reclaim their proper portion of the carrying trade; and this must necessarily check the amount and employment of American tonnage. The remarks of Mr. Seybert, on this topic, are very judicious and appropriate: "All nations extensively engaged in navigation, "(says he, page 304,) have been affected by "the peace in proportion to the augmenta"tion of their tonnage, during the late conflicts in Europe; none has suffered more "than Great Britain. Whilst the late po"litical storms were almost desolating the "civilized world, the vessels belonging to "France, Holland, and Spain, were swept "from the Ocean. In proportion as the "tonnage of these nations diminished, that "of other states was augmented; and none, in a greater degree, than our own. Foreign nations will make every effort to "regain the navigation which the late wars "had taken from them. We must anticipate a reduction on our part, of as much as was formerly employed in the trade "between those countries and their American colonies." The commercial prosperity which the United States enjoyed from 1793 to 1806, may, indeed, be said to have spoiled our merchants. The accumulation of a princely fortune was but the work of a few years, and country seats and villas sprung up as by magic. The enchantment of that day, however, is over. Our traders must return to more sober and moderate calculations. Yet, making all possible allowances for the diminution of American tonnage by the prevailing peace, the increase from 1789 to 1819 will still be found to be equivalent to a gradual augmentation, from the former to the latter year, marking a permanently growing prosperity sufficient to gratify the reasonable expectations of the best friends of the country. concur. Some writers have insisted on the recognition of Puerreydon, and others of Artigas; and there have been persons who have recommended a recognition of both their authorities. We know of individuals who regard Puerreydon and O'Higgins as traitors to South American liberty and independence. The executive went no farther than to inquire into the situation of South American affairs. And what has been the result? Why, the provinces were found not to be united, and the Patriots themselves, as to their internal government, in a state of distraction. Let any reflecting man put the question to himself, whether, under the circumstances, the executive ought to have volunteered a recognition of independence? The question was fairly tried in the House of Representatives, and was negatived by a large majority. This was during the first session of the fifteenth congress. Mr. CLAY, the principal partizan for acknowledging South American Independence, after seeing the Reports of Messrs. Rodney, Bland, and Graham, did not, in the second session of that congress, think proper to renew the motion. Every freeman in the United States wishes well to the cause of emancipation in that portion of the earth; but very few, we apprehend, are willing to compromit the peace and welfare of the country by too early an interference in Spanish American affairs. The seizure of Amelia Island was justified by law in three points of view. 1st. By the law of nations, which authorizes a suffering nation to break up a nest of freebooters, when the regular authorities of the place are confessedly incompetent to do it. 2d. By the revenue laws which interdict smuggling; and the laws relating to the slave-trade, which prohibit the introduction of slaves from Africa. And, 3d. By the special secret acts of Congress concerning the occupation of Florida. With respect to the invasion of Florida, the administration and general Jackson have been tried in almost every shape: In the newspapers, in congress, and by public animad-meetings in three of the principal cities in the Union. By the House of Representatives, by a large majority of the public journals, and by the people, both the Presi dent and the General have been acquitted The measures of the administration which have chiefly called forth the versions of its opponents, are 1. The refusal to recognise the independence of the Spanish American provinces. • Seybert's Statistical Annals, pages 5, 6. t The subject, of course, ought to be considered as at rest. close of the late war between the United 2. That he was received by the Prince 3. That Hillis Hadjo returned to Florida by way of the Bahamas, accompanied, or immediately followed, by Arbuthnott, if not by Armbrister. If there is a charge which can be justly made against the administration, it is that of neglecting for too long a time to clear the American seas of the pirates who infest it. An act, however, has been at length passed for this object; and we may calculate on its being executed with energy. In referring to this part of our subject, we cannot avoid remarking what has frequently fallen under our notice, and that is, the leaning of indulgence to these piratica! cruisers, from the persuasion that they aid the cause of the Spanish Independents. This argues a great corruption of moral principle in certain vehement friends of the patriots. it ahowa, if we view it in the most favorable light, that they consider the means-even if the means be pillage and murder-as justified by the end. It demonstrates, in truth, more: It proves that there are men 5. That Governor Cameron never atwho regard political revolutions as author- tempted to suppress these applications; on izing the attainment of wealth by plunder- the contrary, he encouraged them, by writing and assassinating the citizens and sub-ing through a third person, and showing jects of all countries. a letter from earl Bathurst, the British Secretary for the colonial department. Arbuthnott and Armbrister. 4. That Hillis Hadjo invariably asserted that he had been promised military supplies. by the Prince Regent; and it was upon this assertion of the Indian prophet that both Arbuthnott and Arinbrister endeavored to procure munitions of war from governor Cameron of the Bahamas, making use of the name of his Britannic majesty's government by way of inducement. 6. That when Mr. Bagot, the British mi We had thought that all further discus-nister at Washington, was applied to by sion on this subject had closed, and that the event had been consigned to the impartial judgment of History. But it seems that the British ministry is disposed to keep the topic alive; and insinuations have been thrown out that the government of the United States is to be called to account for executing those two atrocious malefactors, Arbuthnott and Armbrister. What can possibly influence the British cabinet to this course of procedure? It surely does not expect to derive any credit, ther on the score of humanity or of good faith, in provoking further investigation. Arbuthnott, who, it seems, sent his let- 7. And that, in shunning an open corres- Justified? How is it possible it could be If ever a sinister conduct, in relation to its public engagements, could be traced to any government, such a conduct may, as it respects the intrigues and plots of Arbuth-justified? nott and Armbrister, be traced to the court By the treaty of Ghent, the Prince Reof St. James. Engaged as the United gent, acting in the name, and on behalf of States have been in a diplomatic broil with his majesty, stipulated that "there should Spain, the American people have not suffi-" be a firm and universal peace between ciently attended to the connexion between" his Britannic majesty and the United these unhappy wretches and the British mi-" States, and between their respective nistry. The British ministry, do we say?" countries, territories, cities, towns, and Nay; the Prince Regent of Great Britain" people, of every degree, without excep himself. The documents which are now in a course of publication in the National Register, clearly prove the following facts 1. That Hillis Hadjo, otherwise called the prophet Francis, visited England at the "tion of places or persons". To the execu 244 countenancing, prophet Francis, and through his ministers and agents, the exertions of two of his own white subjects to stir up the Seminoles to war with the United States. We speak of this affair with great reluctance; because, being at peace with the British nation, we wish to treat its constituted authorities with that politeness which a state of amity implies. But if the cabinet to let loose of St. James thinks proper upon the American administration the rude and vaporing strictures of the "Courier," and other London ministerial newspapers, urbanity must yield to the severity of truth, and the British authorities must expect to be treated with less forbearance, and more according to their real demerits. DOCUMENTS Accompanying the letter of Mr. Secretary Adams Extract of a letter from George Perryman to lieu- Extract of a letter from Archibald Clarke, intendant, "On the 24th instant, the house of Mr. Garret, residing in the upper part of this county, near the boundary of Wayne county, was attacked during his absence, near the middle of the day, by this party, consisting of about fifteen, who shot Mrs. Garrett, in two places, and then despatched her by stabbing and scaling. Her two children, one about three years, the other two months, were also murdered, and the eldest scalped: the house was then plundered of every article of value, and set on fire." Extract of a letter from Richard M. Sands, 4th Infantry, commanding at Fort Guines, Georgia, to colonel William King, or officer commanding the 4th Regiment Infantry, dated March 15th, 1817. "Lenclose, for your information, two letters, Vesterday which I received a few days sinte William Perryman, accompanied by two of the lower chiefs arrived here; he informs me, that M'Queen, the chief mentioned in one of the enclosed letters, is, at present, one of the heads of the hostiles: that they are anxious for war, and have lately murdered a woman and two children. He likewise says, that he expects the news in George Perryman's letter is true; for there are talks going through the towns, that the English are to be at Okoloking river in three months." Extracts of a letter from David B. Mitchell, Indian February 24, 1817. agent to the Secretrry of War, dated at "The charge given me by colonel Clinch and Milledgeville, Georgia, March 30, 1817. yourself, and other officers of the United States, "By yesterday's mail, I received a letter from induces me to believe there is a confidence placed Mr. Timothy Barnard, who resides at Flint river, in me, which I ought not to deceive. I therefore in the Indian country, a considerable distance be think it my duty, as well as my inclination, to low the agency, in which he observes, I have been give you the following information: there was a informed two days past, from below, where the friend of mine, not long since, in the Fowl town Red Stick class reside, that a party has been down on Flint, and he saw many horses, cattle, and hogs, near St. Mary's and murdered a woman and two that had come immediately from the state of Geor-children, and brought off some horses." "I will gia; and they are bringing them away continually further state, that I have received information They speak in the most contemptuous manner of from other persons, at and near Fort Gaines, that the Americans, and threaten to have satisfaction a British agent is now among these hostile Indians, for what has been done; meaning the destruction and that he has been sending insolent messages to of the negro fort. There is another of my acthe friendly Indians and while men settled above the quaintances returned immediately from the Semi-Spanish line; he is also charged with stimulating ncle towns, and saw the negroes on parade there: the Indians to their present hostile aspect; but he counted about 600 that bore arms: they have whether he is an acknowledged agent of any fochosen officers of every description, and endea- reign power, or a mere adventurer, I do not prevor to keep up a regular discipline, and are very tend to determine; but am disposed to believe strict in punishing violators of their military rules. him the latter.” There is said to be about the same number of Indians, belonging to their party, and there are both negroes and Indians daily going to their standard. They say they are in complete tix for fighting, and Camp Montgomery, M. T. 2 wish for an engagement with the Americans, or April Sd, 1817. S M'Intosh's troops; they would let them know they "I received by the last mail, a letter from had something more to do than they had at Appala. Archibald Clarke, Esq. intendant of the town of chacola. They have chosen Bowlegs for their St. Marys, by which it appears that another outhead, and nominated him king, and pay him all rage, of uncommon cruelty, has recently been per kind of monarchial respect, almost to idolatry, petrated by a party of Indians upon the southern keeping a picket guard at the distance of 5 miles.frontier, near the boundary of Wayne county, They have a number of the likeliest American horses; but there is one or two chiefs that is not of the choir. Kenhagee, the Micasukey chief, is one that is an exception." N. B. This George Perryman is the same, who went to England in the Semiramis frigate in the summer of 1818, and was not permitted to land. Extract of a letter from general Gaines to the Secretary of War, dated They have massacred a woman, Mrs. Garret, and two of her children: the mother and eldest child were scalped; the house plundered and burnt.” Extract of a letter from A. Culloh, to general Gaines, written at Fort Gaines. "We are hourly told by every source of infor |