knew the respect he owed to himself, ever make a disturbance upon such a matter. Equally absurd is it to suppose that a government has a right to order a foreign man of war out of port for omitting to salute.

Lord Cochrane speaks of the practice of all other services with which he has had communication, and says lie is not acquainted with the regulations of the government of the United States-but the very cir cumstance, that a government has a right to regulate its own mode of answering salutes, makes it manifest that it cannot be obligatory upon a man of war to salute-that it must be optional with her to salute or not, as she sees fit.

This produced from Lord Cochrane a third letter, I wherein he says, that my first letter, in which I stated that my visit to him was in my capacity of an of ficer of the United States, and was intended as an evidence of respect to the officer commanding the naval forces of Chili, had induced him to conceive there could be no intention of disrespect to the flag of Chili, in the omission of a salute, and the more so, as the very next sentence in that letter very candidly stated that I was aware it was usual on the arrival of a vessel of war at a foreign port, to salute publicly, and that it was my knowledge of this circumstance that had induced me upon arriving at the port in January last, to acquaint the Governor I would pay the customary salute if an equal number I considered the letter of Lord Cochrane, as so of guns would be returned-he desires me to judge vulgar and indecorus, that I could not answer it to then his astonishment on receiving my written de him-and, therefore, I wrote to the Supreme Direcclaration, that my letter was intended to decline sa- tor, to acquaint him, that, upon my arrival, I had luting altogether, and that therefore it was not visited the Governor and the officer commanding necessary to enquire whether a salute from the ship the naval forces, and that both visits were intended under my command should be answered by an equal as testimonies of respect towards the public funcor less number of guns. This he says is a public tionaries of Chili; that, on the following day, the matter. But he desires me to judge of his private Governor had visited me on board, and I recognized sentiments, when he finds me add that a salute from in his frank deportment and prompt return of my a national vessel, upon arriving at a foreign port, is visit, a disposition corresponding with that which I a matter of courtesy only that it is entirely option had uniformly manifested in my several visits to the al-that it is sometimes practised-it is oftentimes port-that, with respect to the conduct of Lord omitted-he says it is incontestable; that in no port Cochrane towards me, I felt a delicacy in commentof a civilized nation, are an equal number of gunsing upon it to him-and, with respect to my own returned by the power who may be saluted-that as conduct towards Lord Cochrane, I did not deem it to the incident noticed in his letter, he has not erred necessary or proper to discuss it-that these were in fact, though he may have committed a mistake matters for communication with my own governin incidental trifles-that he plainly perceives thement; and that the object of my letter, was to assure awkward circumstances in which I am placed-that || him, that upon my arrival, my conduct had been I myself could not regret them more than he did respectful towards the officers with whom I had that it would deprive him of what, previous to re-communicated, and that I trusted he would not reaceiving my last letter, he should have deemed a dily be persuaded to believe I had been wanting, in pleasure, namely, of paying his respects to me, these respects, towards the officers of the governwhich now consistently he could not do, without ment of Chili. such an explanation as shall reconcile the seeming contradiction of my public letters.

As to Lord Cochrane's private sentiments, I had as little to do with them as I had to do with his private character-with respect to the mode of all civil. ized nations of returning a salute, it was not the. question between us, since, from the first, I declined saluting at all-and his regret at the awkward circumstances in which he perceives so plainly I am placed, is as ridiculous as it is vulgar.

Lord Cochrane affects to think he has convicted me of contradiction. It will, I think, be perceived he has not done so. I repeat that it is usual to salute, but as a matter of courtesy-that it is entirely optional with the man of war. Since there is no power in a government to compel a foreign man of war to salute-that a salute is sometimes practised, that it is oftentimes omitted. The opinion advanced by Lord Cochrane, that it is an insult to the flag of the port for a foreign man of war to omit to salute, is perfectly absurd-nor would any officer, conscious he himself merited any respect from others, or who

The commanding officer of the naval forces had now informed me that, he would not return my of ficial visit, and had endeavored to dragoon me into saluting. It was therefore, proper, as the flag had not been treated with proper respect, that I should sable. This consideration, and this alone, deter. not remain in Valparaiso longer than was indispenmined me to relinquish my intended journey to St. Jago, to take on board the supplies necessary for the continuance of my voyage; and to sail without delay. Being ready to sail on the 30th of December, and about to get under weigh, I received a letter from Lord Cochrane, saying, that in consequence of the friendly disposition I had professed towards the government of Chili, and the ties of amity which he trusted would long subsist between the United States and that state; he had to request of me, as the officer commanding a ship of war in the port, that I would abstain from proceeding to sea until the squadron which was under sailing orders should have weighed. I answered that to enable me to say, whether it would be in my power to comply with his request, I desired he would inform tar.-But on my return again to the Rock, Admiral me at what-hour the squadron would actually sail. Sir James Saumarez sent on board the Essex, and He replied that part of the squadron would weigh offered the customary civilities. I then waited on immediately, and the remainder as soon as practihim, and a friendly intercourse followed-but no cable; not being later than the next evening before salute was given by the Essex to his flag, nor is dark. I wrote to him, that although it was importhere the least shadow of truth in my being requi- tant to me to proceed to sea without delay, and I red to salute any Admiral's flag at Gibraltar, or on was anxious to have sailed that morning, yet, from non-compliance thereof to leave the port. Such a the desire I felt to meet the wishes of the governdemand I should have considered absurd in the ex-ment of Chili, as far as was in my power, I had treme." concluded to remain in port that day, but that it

seen that I rather waived than insisted on rigid rules of ceremony, My own opinion of the usage on such occasions, founded on more than nineteen years experience in the navy is this: on anchoring in the foreign port where there are men of war, the man of war of the port sends an officer on board with a message of civility, and offers of assistance, &c. The commander of the foreign ship then makes a visit, which is returned by the commander of the man of war of the port--and an intercourse is thus opened, which is improved or not, according to the disposition of the parties. Al though this is the most usual course, yet it is not alopinion that these matters are in themselves of small importance, or from a difference of sentiment as to its propriety. Sometimes a man of war, upon her arrival, sends in the first instance to the man of war of the port an offer to salute; on condition of receiving gun for gun; but this course is not frequent, nor is it, in my opinion, the most correct, though it is not in any way exceptionable.

would be my indispensable duty to sail the next || day, and proceed upon my further destination; that I hoped the delay of a day would be sufficient; and indeed, as my destination was round Cape Horn, my sailing would not, I should think, in any manner affect the views of the squadron. It should be remarked that just as I received Lord Cochrane's first || letter, requesting me to remain in port, the frigate | San Martin slipt her cable, and stood out in the offing; the Chacabuco sloop of war, also stood out.The San Martin anchored several miles out-the Chacabuco returned at night, and anchored so close to us, that I expected the two ships would get foul In the morning the Chacabuco again got underways pursued, either from inadvertence, from an weigh to stand out; and the San Martin was also under weigh These manœuvres, and the character of Lord Cochrane, induced me to believe, that there was a design to intimidate us from sailing, or to attack us, if we attempted to go to sea. I did not choose to be driven from my purpose by either of these intentions. In the morning, therefore, at 10 o'clock, having cleared ship for action, I weighed and stood out to sea, passing near the San Martin, and the Chacabuco. They offered no molestation, but soon after returned into port.

chored, with compliments of congratulation on my arrival and offers of assistance. In this deportment I recognised the character of officers and of gentlemen. To both of them I paid a visit the day following, and my visit was in due course returned. To neither of them did I pay the compliment of

Up to the date of my sailing from the United States, you know, we never had any regulations about salutes in the navy. But to confirm my opiThe conduct of these ships satisfied me, that nion on this subject I can state, that immediately Lord Cochrane had no intention to endeavor to de- on my arrival at Rio Janeiro, an officer came on tain me by force. I had informed him the preced-board with the compliments of the Portuguese ading day of my determination to sail and did sail miral and the offer of any assistance I might want. accordingly. Yet his own frigate, the Maria Isa-When beating into Calloa, the Spanish commodore bella, made no movements, nor did the frigate Lau-sent his first lieutenant on board before I had an.. taro, although I got under weigh from within 100 yards of both, under a light breeze. In fact the publication in the Gazette seems conclusive on that subject. It states that as the sudden departure of the Ontaria from Valparaiso had excited various ru- || mors, the literal correspondence between the Ad. miral and Captain Biddle is published for the satis-firing a salute, though at both places I saluted the faction of all. The rumors there were probably as forts, previously ascertaining it would be returned absurd as they have been here-and to put an end gun for gun. Upon my arrival at Valparaiso, Lord to them, it is published, that difficulties had occur- Cochrane neither visited me himself, nor did he red between Lord Cochrane and myself about a sa- send on board any message of civility. Although lute; and that afterwards Lord Cochrane had request-I was not unmindful that the advances towards an ed me to remain in port, which I had declined do- intercourse between us should most properly come ing, and had sailed. My own belief is, that the ob- from him, yet I waved this consideration as not beject of his movemects was to overawe us by theing very important, and I paid a visit to Lord Cochforce of his squadron, and induce us to remain from the fear of being attacked.

rane. Did he return my visit? No, but in two hours after, I received his letter reminding me of a part In thus leaving Valparaiso, I violated no duty of my duty, which he thought I had been long whatever to the government of Chili. Lord Coch- enough in the the navy to know, and insinuating, rane had no right to detain an American man of that if I did not fire a salute, he would turn me out war until his ships could be ready for sea. In point of the port. Had Lord Cochrane returned my vi of fact they did not sail until two weeks after my sit, and in the manner of a gentleman requested of departure. Was I bound to delay executing the or me to salute, he might perhaps have obtained by ders of my government, by wasting that much time civility what he certainly could not have extorted, at Valparaiso? My destination too was in a course for I trust I shall ever continue so much like yourdirectly opposite to that of his squadron. How then self and the rest of my brother officers, as not to be could my sailing in any way interfere with the pro- dragooned by Lord Cochrane or by any other lord, jects of his squadron? An instance much stronger or by any other man, into a conduct which might than this, had occurred in the previous December bring down reproach upon our flag. In fact, had I at Lima. Just as the Spanish expedition was about been undecided about saluting, the very letter of sailing against Chili, an English frigate was on the Lord Cochrane, calling upon me in such a style for point of leaving Lima for the same place. The go a salute, would have determined me to refuse it. vernment of Lima requested her commander to deIt has been suggested, as a motive of Lord Cochfer his sailing. This he refused, because he had rane's conduct, that there were on board the Ontanot been treated with proper respect in the port.rio, passengers attached to the royal cause, and alYet, although the frigate would obviously carry, and so a million of dollars. The whole sum on board did actually carry to Chili the first intelligence of was two hundred and one thousand dollars receiv the expedition preparing against it, yet the governed at Lima, of which $15,000 were for Archibald ment of Lima made no effort to detain her by Gracie and Sons, of N. York-$15,000 for Mr. Astor of N. York-$11,000 for Mr. Ellery, of Boston-→→ and the remainder was shipped by individuals in Lima, and consigned to individuals in Rio Janeiro.

force.

With regard to personal civility, so far from repelling advances from Lord Cochrone, it will be

Extract from a "Narrative of a journey of 5000 miles through the Eastern and Western States of Democracy, in my opinion, is alone susceptible of America," in 1817. By Henry B. Fearon, an En-complete liberty; but, what democratical governglishman. ment ever united at the same time, power, prosperity, and permanency? and, on, the contrary, have we not seen aristocracy and monarchy establish

The ex-president is a handsome old gentleman of eighty-four; his lady is seventy-six; she has the re-great and powerful empires for ages and ages? putation of superior talents, and great literary acquirements. I was not perfectly a stranger here, as a few days previous to this I had received the ho nour of a hospitable reception at their mansion. Upon the present occasion the minister (the day being Sunday) was of the dinner party.

As the table of a "late king" nay amuse some of you, take the following particulars:-first course, a pudding made of Indian corn, molasses and butter; Notwithstanding such painful reflections, my second, veal, bacon, neck of mutton, potatoes, cab-mind is filled with joy at the great progress made bage, carrots, and Indian beans; Maderia wine, of by our republic in its glorious career-loving what which each drank two glasses. We sat down to is useful, animated by what is just, and aspiring to dinner at one o'clock; at two, nearly all went a se- what is perfect. Venezuela, on separating from cond time to church. For tea, we had pound cake, Spain, recovered her independence and liberty,

the functions of authority granted him by the constitution, and there can be no doubt that his administration must be more uniform, constant, and truly proper, than that of a power divided amongst various individuals, the composition of which cannot but be monstrous.

The judicial power of Venezuela is similar to that in America, indefinite in duration, temporary dence necessary.

~~d-*-* p*~primal, and it anjaya all

her equality and her national sovereignty, constitut- But we go further, and subdivide it by committing ing herself into a democratical republic, she pro-it to a collective body, and are consequently subject scribed monarchy, distinctions, nobility, charters, to the inconvenience of making the existence of and privileges: she declared the rights of man, the the government periodical, of suspending and of liberty of acting, thinking, speaking, and writing dissolving it whenever the members separate. Our Those facts so eminently liberal cannot be sufficient- triumvirate is void, as one may say, of unity, dura ly admired for the purity which gave them birth.-tion, and personal responsibility; it is at times destiThe first Congress of Venezuela fixed in indelible tute of action, it is without perpetual life, real unicharacters in the annals of our legislation, the maformity and immediate responsibility; and a governjesty of the people as properly expressed in the mene, which does not possess continuance, may be social act as the fitest to form the happiness of the nominated a nullity. Although the powers of the nation. Every feeling of my mind is required to President of the United States are limited by exces appreciate duly the supereminent good containedsive restrictions, he exercises by himself alone all in that immortal code of our rights and laws. But at the same time how shall I express myself? Shall || I dare to profane with my censure the sacred tables of our laws? There are sentiments which cannot remain quiet in the breast of a man that loves his country, and which however attempted to be concealed, agitate by their violence, and which an imperious force obliges him to disclose. It grieves me to think, that the government of Vanaquala na quires reform; and although many illustrious citizens think as I do, all do not possess sufficient boldness The first congress, in its Federal Constitution, to state publicly their opinion in favor of the adop-consulted rather the spirit of the different provin tion of new principles, and this consideration has ces, than the solid idea of establishing an indivisi. led me to be the first in introducing a subject of ble and concentrated republic. There sat the greatest importance-although, in doing so, our legislators under the influence of provin there is an excessive audacity, in pretending to give cials, carried away with the dazzling appearance of advice to the counsellors of the nation. the happiness of North America, thinking that the The more I admire the excellency of the Fede-blessings she enjoyed were owing exclusively to ral Constitution of Venezuela, the more am I con- the form of government, and not to the character of vinced of the impossibility of applying it to our si- the people. And in fact, the example of the U. tuation; and according to my way of thinking, it is States, with its progressive prosperity, was too flata miracle that its model in North America has ex- tering not to have been followed. Who could reisted with so much prosperity, and not been thrown sist the glorious attraction of the full and absolute into confusion on the first appearance of danger or enjoyment of sovereignty, independence and liberembarrassment. Notwithstanding which, that peo-ty? Who could resist the admiration and esteem ple is a singular example of political virtue, and mo-inspired by an intelligent government, which unites ral rectitude. Liberty has been its cradle, it has at the same moment public and private rights, grown up in liberty, and is maintained by pure li- which forms by general consent the supreme law of Berty. I will add, that that people is unique in the individuals? Who can resist the dominion of a behistory of the human race, and repeat that it is a neficent government, which, with an able, active, prodigy, that a system so weak and complicated as and powerful hand, directs at all times and in all the Federal, should have existed under so difficult cases, all its efforts towards that social perfection and delicate circumstances as those which have oc- which ought to be the end of all human institutions? curred. However, whatever the case may be as to However beautiful this magnificent federative systhe government, I must say of the American people, tem might appear, and in fact be, Venezuela, could that the idea never entered my mind of assimilating not enjoy it immediately on shaking off her chains; the situation and nature of two nations so distinct we were not prepared for so great a good; good as as the Anglo and Spanish American. Would it not well as evil, causes death when sudden and exces be extremely difficult to apply to Spain the political,sive; our moral constitution did not yet possess the civil, and religious code of Great Britain? It would be even more difficult to adopt in Venezuela the laws of N. America. Does not the Spirit of Laws say, that laws ought to be suited to the people ma- Representatives of the People!-You are convened king them, and that it is a very great chance, that to confirm or repeal, whatever may appear to you those of one nation will suit another? That the proper to be preserved, reformed, or expunged in laws ought to bear relation to the physical state of our social compact. It is your duty to correct the the country, to its climate, to the quality of its soil, work of our first legislators, and I would say, that to its situation, to its extent, and to the manner of to you it belongs to cover a portion of the beauties life of its inhabitants; having reference to the de-contained in our political code, for all hearts are not gree of liberty, the constitution can support, to the religion of the people, to their inclinations, riches, number, commerce, customs and morals.

I now present the code, which, according to my way of thinking, we ought to adopt.

The constitution of Venezuela, although found ed on the most perfect principles, differed widely from that of America, in an essential point, and without doubt, the most important. The Congress of Venezuela like that of America, participates in some of the attributes of the executive Power.-l

benefits of a government completely representative, and which is so sublime when it can be adopted by a republic of Saints.

formed for admiring every beauty, nor all eyes capable of supporting the celestial blaze of perfection.The Book of the Apostles, the Doctrine of Jesus, the Divine writings, sent by a gracious Providence to better mankind, so sublime, and so holy, would kindle an ocean of flame at Constantinople, and the whole of Asia, would fiercely burn, were the Book of Peace to be imposed at once as the code of reli. gion, laws, add customs.

Permit me to call the attention of the congress to a matter which may be of vital importance: Bear

in mind that our population is neither European nor to be that of Venezuela; its basis ought to be the
American, but is rather a compound of African and sovereignty of the people, the division of power,
American, than of European origin, because even civil liberty, the prohibition of slavery, and the abo-
Spain herself is not strictly European, from her lition of monarchy and privileges. We want equal-
African blood, institutions, and character. It is im-ity for recasting, as one may say, men, political
possible to point out with propriety to what human opinions, and public customs. Throwing our sight
family we belong-the greater part of the Abori- over the vast field we have to examine, let us fix
gines have been annihilated, the European has our attention on the dangers we ought to avoid, and
mixed with the American and with the African, and let history guide us in our career.
the latter has mixed also with the Indian and the
Athens presents us with the most brilliant exam-
European. All children of the same mother, our ple of an absolute democracy, and at the same time
fathers, various in origin and in blood, are stran- is a melancholy proof of the extreme weakness of
gers, and differ all in figure and form from each that kind of government. The wisest legislator of
other.
Greece did not see his republic last ten years, and
All the citizens of Venezuela enjoy by the con-underwent the humiliation of acknowledging the
stitution a political equality; and if that equality had insufficiency of an absolute democracy for govern-
not been a dogma in Athens, in France, and in A-ing any kind of society, not even the most cultiva-
nerica, we ought to confirm the principle, in order ted, moral, and limited, because it shines only with
to correct the eifference which may apparently ex-flashes of liberty. Let us acknowledge then that
ist. Legislators! my opinion is, that the fundamen- Solon has undeceived the world, and shewn how
tal principle of our system, depends immediately difficult it is to govern men by simple laws.
sedin Venezuela. That men are all born with equal
Tights to the benefit of society, has been sanctioned
by almost all the sages of every age; as has also,
that all men are not born with equal capacities for
the attainment of every rank, as all ought to prac-
tice virtue, and all do not so; all ought to be brave,
and all are not; all ought to possess talents, and all
do not. From this arises the real distinction obser-
ved amongst individuals of the most liberally estab-gistrates frequently renewed, mild, wise, and politic
lished society.

||

The republiv uf sparta, which appeared a chime rical invention, produced more real effects than the ingenious work of Solon, glory, virtue, morality, and consequently national happiness, were the result of the legislature of Lycurgus. Although two kings in one state were like two monsters to devour it-Sparta suffered but little from that double royalty, and Athens enjoyed the most splendid lot under an absolute sovereignty, free elections of malaws. Pisistratus, an usurper and a despot, did more good to Athens than her laws; and Pericles, altho' an usurper likewise, was the most useful citizen.

The republic of Thebes existed only during the lives of Pelopidas and Epaminondas, for it is men, and not principles, that form governments. However wise codes, systems, and statutes may be, they have but little influence on socicty; it is virtuous, patriotic, and enlightened men that constitute republics.

If the principle of political equality be generally acknowledged, not less so is that of physical and moral equality. It would be an illusion, an absurdity to suppose the contrary. Nature makes men equal in genius, temperament, strength and character. Laws correct that difference by placing the individual in society, where education, industry, arts, sciences and virtues, give a fictitious equality properly called political and social. The union of all classes in one state is eminently beneficial, and The Roman constitution was that which produced in which diversity is multiplied in proportion to the the greatest power and fortune to any people on propagation of the species. By it alone has dis-earth; in it there was no exact distribution of power. cord been torn up by the roots, and many jealou. sies, follies, and prejudies avoided.

Our diversity of opinion requires a most powerful pulse, and a delicate manner for managing so hete. rogeneous a body, as its complicated composition may be dislocated, divided, and dissolved by the slightest change.

The consuls, the senate, and the people were legislators, magistrates, and judges, they all participated in all those offices. The executive, consisting of two consuls had the same inconvenience as that of Sparta, and yet notwithstanding its deformity, the republic did not suffer that mischievous discordance, which might be supposed inseparable from a magistracy, consisting of two individuals endowed equally with the powers of a monarch. A government whose sole inclination was war and conquest, By the laws dictated by the first Congress, we did not appear likely to establish the happiness of have reason to hope, that felicity will be the portion the people. A government monstrous in itself, and of Venezuela; and, from you we may flatter our-purely warlike raised Rome to the highest pitch of selves, that security and stability will render that felicity perpetual.

The most perfect system of government is that which produces the greatest degree of happiness, of social security, and political stability.

virtue and glory, and formed of the world a Roman
empire, proving to mankind the force of political
virtues, and the trivial influence of institutions.

To you it belongs to resolve the problem, in what manner after having baoken the fetters of our for Passing from ancient to modern times, we find mer oppressors, we may accomplish the wonderful England and France deserving general attention, feat of preventing the remains of our grievous chains and giving impressive lessons, in every species of being turned into the arms of licentiousness. The government. The revolutions in those two great relics of Spanish Dominion will continue a long time states, like brilliant meteors, have filled the world before we can completely destroy them; our atmos- with so great a profusion of political light, that phere is impregnated with the contagion of despot-every thinking being has learned what are the ism, and neither the flame of war, nor the specific of our salutary laws, have purified the air we breathe. Our hands are indeed free, but our hearts are still suffering from the effects of servitude. Man, in losing his liberty, says Homer, loses half his spirit.

A republican government has been, is, and ought

rights and duties of man; in what the excellency of governments consists, and in what their vices; all know how to appreciate the intrinsic value of the theoretical speculations of modern philosophers and legislators. In short, this star in its brilliant course "inflamed even the apathetic Spaniards, who also