in Washington on Saturday last. The mayor of deminion of the Moors led to the establishment the city called a meeting of the citizens, to make of extraordinary and rigorous ecclesiastical tribuarrangements for showing him some marks of res-nals; and these, after extirpating the infidels, pect. The general, however, with his usual dis- reared an intellectual despotism over their own cretion, caused it to be signified to the mayor, Christian population. Instead of a rational and previously to the actual holding of the meeting, enlightened Catholicism, Spain groans under the that he wished, for the present, to decline the weight of a gloomy and monkish tyranny. Is it honor intended him. possible she will long remain so far behind all the kingdoms of Europe-even Russia-in improvement? We think not. The clergy and the grandees have got nearly all the property of the na▾ tion in their clutches; and they will yicid nothing but what is torn from them. Why will they not be warned by the events of the Prench revolu tion? Alas! if the convulsion is not anticipated, it must come, and overwhelmn in ruin, for a time, both the throne and the altar. WILLIAM JONES, formerly Secretary of the Navy, and lately President of the Bank of the United States, has resigned this latter place. GEORGE WILLIAMS, of Baltimore, a Director of the Bank of the United States has also resigned. Foreign.-Advices from Europe to the early part of December, furnish a few articles of intel ligence. The withdrawal of the allied army of occupation from the soil of France had occasionClosed Doors. It will be perceived, under our ed as might have been expected, great rejoicings Congressional Head, that the House of Represenamong the French. King Louis seems to be pret-tatives closed their doors on Thursday last, for a ty firmly fixed on the throne, and may remain there so long as he adheres to liberal principles of government. The French funds had experienced considerable depression, owing, in some measure, perhaps, to secret alarms on the departure of the foreign armies. In Holland, too, a similar evil was felt; and money had risen to an enormous rate of interest. The former arch-chancellor of Napoleon, Cambaceres, had obtained leave to return to Paris, by royal clemency, as would several other of the Bonapartean exiles. Lord Wellington, on his return to England, is to be placed at the head of the ordnance department. He has been honored with so many imperial and royal orders, ¦ that he may now display as many medals on a court-day as an Indian chief. It is whispered that his brother, the marquis of Wellesley, is likely to succeed lord Castlereagh as first minister. Intrigues appear to be going on among the British courtiers in consequence of the death of the queen, who had a strong political influence. As she is short time. The "National Intelligencer" of Battle of Waterloo. The veil which has hitherto covered the errors which lost to the gallant French army the battle of Waterloo, is beginning to be raised. Every account which we have read, not excepting that of lord Wellington himself, proves that the British army, before the arrival of Blucher, with the Prussians, was beaten. Marshal Grouchy had driven Blucher, on Napoleon's Frederick II. it is thought, made out afterwards to right, back to Wavres; but the wily disciple of deceive him, and to succor Wellington. Marshal Grouchy has denied this; and intends, as we infer from the subjoined notice, formally to refute We hope he may be able to satisfy military men that he was not on that day guilty of a capigone, the lords and ladies of her party are look-tal fault in removing too far from the right flank ing out for a new leader; and it is said they find some difficulty as to the personage to whom they shall tack themselves. it. of the grand French army: We received yesterday, by the southern mail, (say the editors of a 'hiladelphia paper) the following letter from Marshal Grouchy. Messrs. Frick & Co. Smyrna, Del.) Jan. 23. When we cast but a glance over the map of Europe, it is easy to perceive that the only peo ple who labor under an absolute despotism are A work has lately made its appearance in Eng land, containing an account of the campaign of the subjects of Spain. That kingdom has even Waterloo, by gen. Gourgand, from which some exlost her royal rank among the legitimate powersracts have been published in the London Mornof the continent. The sovereigns disdained to Cronicle, that have reached this country. A admit Ferdinand's embassador to a seat at the tion, which comes from a respectable source, ani, efutation of the errors contained in this publicaconferences of Aix-la-Chapelle. The cause of also, of those of some anonymous writers. in the this abasement is not difficult to ascertain. With newspapers of the United States, will be speedia considerable extent of territory, a good soil andy prepared and presented to the public, who are climate, priestcraft and superstition have ruined respectfully solicited, in the mean time, to susthat country. Fearfulness of the return of the pend any opinion on the subject. Your's, &c. 1 No. 6.] THE NATIONAL REGISTER. WASHINGTON CITY, FEBRUARY 6, 1819. [VOL. VI Printed and Published, every Saturday, by Lawrence, Wilson, & Co. at five dollars per annum. not borrowers, they have uncles, aunts, cousins, Contents of this No. of the National Register. friends, acquaintances, who are stockholders, or ORIGINAL.-Questions and Answers on the subject of Bank-borrowers, or who hold offices in the bank; and ing, 81.-Themistocles, No. II. in vindication of General Jackson, 84.-Exiton's Cabinet-Robbers and Pirates, 96.they do not like to disturb the interests of these..! -History of Congress, 96. SELECTED.-Convention between the United States and Great Britain, 82.-Foreign Affairs-France: further proeeedings of the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, 85.-South America; sailing of a Chilean squadron for Cape Horn, 87. -Miscellany: Cobbett's opinion of the British paper currency, 87: Inele don's testimony in favor of American taste for music, 87.-Manufactures, Commerce, and Navigation: Trade to Maraulam, 88,-Crimes arul Punishments: Gang of counterfeiters eaught, 88.-Robbery of the mail between Bridgetown, N. J. and New York, 88.-Literature and the Art-Painting of the battle near Paris, 89-Thomson's Monument, 89,-Adams, the traveller-Sir H. Davy-Hobhouse-Byron, 90.-Voyages and Discoveries-Tombuctoo, 90,-Proceedings of Congress, 90. FOR THE NATIONAL REGISTER From what you say am I to conclude that a chartered bank may play the tyrant? Yes; almost with impunity. There are banks which, with not more than 700 dollars in specie on hand, have in circulation nearly 100,000 dol lars in notes. Persons who hold these notes, do not wish the credit of the bank to be shaken, and they will not encourage any investigation of the subject. The bank thus tyrannizes over the industry of the people, by issuing a false money, Questions and Answers on the subject of which eventually depreciates. The tyranny opes Banking. What is a bank charter? It is a law prescribing the amount of bank capital, and otherwise fixing the general principles upon which the bank shall be conducted. Does a charter make a bank more solvent? Does it enable the institution to pay specie with more certainty and promptness? Not at all. It makes a bank less solvent; for it limits the capital to the stock subscribed and paid in, and prevents the creditors of the bank from touching the property of the stockholders or directors should the bank itself be unable to redeem its notes. || rates through fear, arising from self-interest. In a despotic government, men submit to the arbitrary acts of the despot for fear of losing their lives; in banking, they submit to the fraudulent acts of the institution for fear of losing their mo ney. Is there no way of correcting such evils? They are very difficult of correction. The banks are so numerous that every corner of the country is filled with their notes. These notes, which pass for money, are so engrafted into the business of life, that it is almost impossible to get rid of them. The community, in fact, is governed by the banks. The banking, or paper system, is, Why, then, do men confide more in a charter-in truth, one of the three grand methods whicha ed, than in an unchartered, bank? have been invented for enslaving mankind. Will you explain this to me? Because the charter, which is a law of the government, throws a charm over the institution. It operates on the imagination, and begets the idea of safety. I will. In the ignorant and superstitions ages of the world, men were cheated and governed by priestcraft. As knowledge extended, the system But does a charter add nothing to the capacity of pries:craft was overturned, and a rational reliof a bank to pay its debts? Nothing. If any thing, it lessens the capacity. What is the principal use of an act of incorporation-in other words, a charter? gion founded upon its ruins. The next invention was a standing army, which is a substitution of force for cunning. In free countries, such as the United States, standing armies are kept in but To give the bank a legal personalty: To enable very small-numbers. As, therefore, among a free it to sue and be sued. and intelligent people, neither priestcraft nor a How does this personalty, thus acquired by a standing army can prevail, recourse has been had charter, operate? to a new scheme, namely: the banking, or paper, system. By this system the people are as effectually cheated as they formerly were by priestcraft. Their pockets are picked by bank-jobbers who do not work, and are unproductive. The loss Almost wholly in favor of the bank. It can, by this means, bring suit against its debtors, and coerce them to payment, with facility: And this it generally does without forbearance or mercy. Whereas, let the bank be ever so faulty; let it re-falls upon the laboring class. At this very time fuse to pay specie for its notes, act corruptly, or cheat the public, no individual will proceed against je. Individuals are afraid, in most instances, to offend the bank. If they are borrowers, they are in its power, and dare not speak: And if they are there exist in the world striking examples of ali these three methods of governing men. In Spain, priesteraft still prevails to the great impeverishment of the people. In France, in Germa ny, in Russia, standing armies cent, without wifch the sovereigns of those countries could not main- || had sufficiently provided for a national currency, tain their authority. In Great Britain the paper when they prohibited the states from making any system predominates in all its force, and it has thing but gold and silver a legal tender. But the reduced a great portion of her population to beg-states have completely evaded this prohibition, gary. From Great Britain we have borrowed it, by the expedient of banking. Whilst we are, and carried it to excess. therefore, confederated for almost every other And would you pull the whole fabric of the purpose, we are still separate states as it regards banking, or paper, system to pieces? the important article of money. Why should we By no means. I would regulate it, as priest-not be united on that point too? Before the formacraft and standing armies have been regulated tion of the present constitution, Great Briamong us. For the frauds of the priesthood a ra-tain, it is well known, refused to form a commertional religion has been substituted; standing ar- cial treaty with us; and one reason, among others, mies, (at least in the United States) are kept for refusing, was, that we had no national governwithin reasonable bounds; and the banking, or ment adequate to enforce commercial treaty stipaper, system, should be restrained so as to be pulations. Now, it is obvious, that, with regard to really and only useful to society. the trading world ir. general, we stand in exactly the same predicament that we did with Great Britain touching a commercial treaty: We have no stable, uniform currency. Foreigners who deal with us will look to this; and they will be shy of trafficking with a people whose circulating medium varies from day to day, and even from hour to hour. How would you restrain it? In answer to this question, allow me to remark, that there are at present in the United States two banking systems, opposed and actually hostile to each other. The one emanates from the states individually, the other from the United States. This, of itself, will prevent the establishment of an uniform currency. No change of Directors or officers of the Bank of the United States will Convention between the United States and obviate the difficulty. It matters not whether Great Britain. A PROCLAMATION. Whereas a Convention between the United States of America and His Majesty the king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, was made and concluded at London, on the twen Mr. Jones, or Mr. Fisher, or Mr. Cheves, is the By the President of the United States of America, President. The source of the evil lies not so much in the men, as in the two systems. These two systems must be reduced to one. The manner of doing this will be easy, if the state legislatures and Congress go heartily to work upon it.tieth day of October, in the year of our Lord one To effect the object, let laws be passed in the sethousand eight hundred and eighteen, by Albert Gallatin, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleniveral states and by Congress, irrevocable without potentiary of the United States to the court of the consent of two-thirds of the states, for open-France, and Richard Rush, their Envoy Extraor ing subscriptions for stock to establish one bank dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of the United States and a certain number of state of His Britannic Majesty; and the Right Honorable Frederick John Robinson, Treasurer of His Majesbanks in each state, and give the liberty of sub-ty's Navy, and President of the committe of Privy scribing to this stock to all existing banks, as far Council for Trade and Plantations, and Henry as their real capital will extend. Thus the inte- Goulburn, Esq. one of His Majesty's Under Secrerests of all the solvent banks now existing will be their respective governments: And whereas the taries of State; fully authorized and empowered by preserved. Abolish all banks, except those new. said Convention was duly ratified by His Royal ly subscribed for, and compel them to settle up Highness the Prince Regent, in the name and on their concerns as speedily as possible. Let the the behalf of His Britannic Majesty, on the senew bank of the United States and the new state cond day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eighteen; and by banks manage their own concerns, respectively, the President of the United states, by and with independently of each other, with one exception, the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, on which is, that the notes of any and all of them the twenty-eighth day of January following: And whereas the ratifications of the two governments shall be reciprocally receiveable by all of them. were exchanged, in the city of Washington, on An uniform currency will thus be established, the thirtieth day of the present month of January, and the demand for specie will not be so great as by John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the at present. There will be no clashing. Exchange United States, on the part of the United States, brokers will die off, and bank notes will maintain and the Right Honorable Charles Bagot, His Britannic Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and a specie value. If we look at the matter closely, Minister Plenipotentiary near the United States, it will be found that all the prevalent confusion in on the part of His Britannic Majesty; the Artiour currency, arises from an oversight in thecies of which Convention are, word for word, as follows: framers of the constitution of the United States. Those framers seem to have thought that they The United States of America, and his majesty the king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, desirous to cement the good under- from the said point due north or south, as the case standing which happily subsists between them, may be, until the said line shall intersect the said have, for that purpose, named their respective parallel of north latitude, and from the point of Plenipotentiaries, that is to say: The President such intersection due west along and with the said of the United States, on his part, has appointed parallel, shall be the line of demarcation between Albert Gallatin, their Envoy Extraordinary and the territories of the U. States and those of his Minister Plenipotentiary to the court of France; Britannic Majesty, and that the said line shall and Richard Rush, their Envoy Extraordinary and form the northern boundary of the said territo Minister Plenipotentiary to the court of his Bri-ries of the United States, and the southern bountannic Majesty: And his Majesty has appointed dary of the territories of his Britannic Majesty, the right honorable Frederick John Robinson, from the Lake of the Woods to the Stony MounTreasurer of his Majesty's navy, and President of tains. the committtee of privy council for trade and Plantations and Henry Goulbourn, Esq. one of his Majesty's under Secretaries of State: Who, after having exchanged their respective full powers,|| found to be in due and proper form, have agreed to and concluded the following articles: ARTICLE I. ARTICLE III. ARTICLE IV. All the provisions of the Convention "to regulate the commerce between the territories of the United States and of His Britannic Majesty," concluded at London, on the third day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, with the exception of the clause which limited its duration to four years, and excepting, also, so far as the same was affected by the declaration of His Majesty respecting the Island of St. Helena, are hereby extended and continued in force for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present Convention, in the same manner as if all the provisions of the said Convention were herein specially recit It is agreed, that any country that may be claimed by either party on the nortwest coast of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open, for the term of ten years from Whereas differences have arisen respecting the the date of the signature of the present convenliberty claimed by the United States, for the in- tion, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects, of the habitants thereof, to take, dry, and cure, fish, on two powers; it being well understood, that this certain coasts, bays, harbors, and creeks, of his agreement is not to be construed to the prejuBritannic Majesty's Dominions in America, dice of any claim which either of the two high it is agreed between the high contracting par- contracting parties may have to any part of the ties, that the inhabitants of the said United said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the States shall have, forever, in common with the claims of any other power or state to any part subjects of his Britannic Majesty, the liberty to of the said country; the only object of the high take fish of every kind, on that part of the south-contracting parties, in that respect, being to preern coast of Newfoundland, which extends from vent disputes and differences amongst themCape Ray to the Rameau Islands, on the western selves. and northern coast of Newfoundland, from the said Cape Ray to the Quirpon Islands, on the shores of the Magdalen islands, and also on the coasts, bays, harbors, and creeks, from Mount Joly, on the southern coast of Labrador, to and through the streights of Bellisle, and thence northwardly indefinitely along the coast; without prejudice, however, to any of the exclusive rights of the Hudson Bay Company:-And that the American fishermen shall also have liberty, forever, to dry and cure fish in any of the unset. tled bays, harbors, and creeks, of the southern part of the coast of Newfoundland, hereabove described, and of the coast of Labrador; but so soon as the same, or any portion thereof, shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said fisher-ed. men to dry or cure fish at such portion so settled, without previous agreement for such purpose, Whereas it was agreed by the first article of with the inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors, the treaty of Ghent, that "All territory, places, of the ground. And the United States hereby and possessions, whatsoever, taken by either parrenounce, forever, any liberty heretofore enjoyedty from the other, during the war, or which may or claimed by the inhabitants thereof, to take, dry, be taken after the signing of this treaty, excceptor cure, fish on or within three marine miles of ing only the Islands hereinafter mentioned, shall any of the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbors, of his be restored without delay, and without causing Britannic Majesty's dominions in America, not any destruction, or carrying away any of the arincluded within the above mentioned limits: Pro-tillery or other public property originally capvided, however, that the American fishermen tured in the said forts or places, which shall reshall be admitted to enter such bays or har- main therein upon the exchange of the ratificabors, for the purpose of shelter and of repairingtions of this treaty, or any slaves, or other private damages therein, of purchasing wood, and of ob- || property;" and whereas, under the aforesaid artaining water, and for no other purpose whatever.ticle, the United States claim for their citizens, But they shall be under such restrictions as may and as their private property, the restitution of, be necessary to prevent their taking, drying, or or full compenensation for, all slaves who, at curing, fish therein, or in any other manner what-the date of the exchange of the ratifications of ever abusing the privileges hereby reserved to them. ARTICLE II. It is agreed, that a line drawn from the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods, along the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, or it the said point shall not be in the forty-ninth parallel of north lattitude, then that a fine drawn ARTICLE V. the said treaty, were in any territory, places, or possessions, whatsoever, directed by the said treaty to be restored to the United States, but then still occupied by the British forces, whether such slaves were, at the date aforesaid, on shore, or on board any British vessel, lying within waters within the territory or jurisdiction of the United states; and whereas differences have arisen, whe ther, by the true intent or meaning of the afore said article of the treaty of Ghent, the United States are entitled to the restoration of, or full compensation for, all or any slaves, as above described, the high contracting parties hereby agree to refer the said differences to some friendly sovereign or state, to be named for that purpose; and the high contracting parties further engage to consider the decision of such friendly sove. reign or state to be final and conclusive on all the matters referred. ARTICLE VI. "conduct of government, and that Spain had no 64 cause of complaint." Mr. Clay, in the same speech, condemns the seizure of St. Marks; but when he comes to speak of its restoration to the Spanish authorities, he says, "I think St. Mark's ought, perhaps, to have "been also restored; but I say this with doubt and “diffidence.” This is a strange admission, after the extravagant comparison of the capture of that post with the seizure of the Danish fleet by Great Britain. This Convention, when the same shall have been duly ratified by the President of the United States, by and with, the advice and consent of Mr. Lowndes is of opinion, that "the House their Senate, and hy His Britannic Majesty, and "ought to limit its resolutions to the expression the respective ratifications mutually exchanged,« of disapprobation as to the seizure of St. Marks shall be binding and obligatory on the said United "and Pensacola. He believed the proceedings States, and on His Majesty; and the ratifications shall be exchanged in six months from this date, "in the case of Arbuthnot, not to be justified by or sooner, if possible. "the jurisdiction of the United States, but does not consider them as furnishing a case in which, "under all its circumstances, it would be expe"dient that the House should interpose by the "expression of its opinion." Mr. Lowndes, of course, approves of the execution of Armbrister. Mr. Hopkinson justifies general Jackson's crossFREDERICK JOHN ROBINSON.ing the Spanish line, and his occupation of St. In witness whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have hereunto affixed the seal of their arms. Done at London, this twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eighteen. [L. S.] [L, S.J (L. S.) [L. S.] ALBERT GALLATIN. HENRY GOULBURN. Now, therefore, be it known, that I, James Monroe, President of the United States, have caused the said Convention to be made public, to the end that the same, and every clause and article thereof, may be observed and fulfilled, with good faith, by the United States, and the citizens thereof. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my [&] hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Marks. "As to the execution of Arbuthnot and "Armbrister, Mr. Hopkinson thinks the general "had a strict military power to treat them as if "they had been Indians, and of course to exer "cise the rigors of savage warfare upon them.” Now, here are three orators, reputed amongst the men of greatest abilities in the House of Representatives, who have had many months to pre. pare themselves, by study and reflection, to pro Done at the City of Washington, this thir.nounce judgment upon the conduct of general tieth day of January, in the year of our || Lord one thousand eighteen hundred and pineteen, and of Independence the forty JAMES MONROE. third. Jackson; and yet they do not agree with each other. If, therefore, these orators, left to their cool thoughts, and unembarrassed by perplexing circumstances, differ as to the propriety of this or that action of the general, the wonder is, that general Jackson, in an enemy's country, surrounded by savage foes and treacherous Spaniards, should have acted as correctly, as he did—so correctly, that some of the ablest men in Congress do not concur in any two particulars wherein he is to blame. The speech of Mr. Clay on this subject has been pronounced, by certain eulogists, the best he ever made in Congress. Let me briefly examine it. Those who have attended to the arguments of the gentlemen who have taken part in the debate respecting the Seminole war, in the House of Representatives, must have observed that the ora He sets out with telling us, that "he had formtors who support the report of the military com- "ed no resolution, come under no engagements, mittee against general Jackson, do not agree a- "and never would form any resolution, or conmong themselves, as to the precise points of his " tract any engagement, for systematic opposition conduct which they think merit condemnation:" to the administration," But where was the neFor examplecessity for this asseveration? Who had imputed to Mr. Clay, in his speech of the 20th ultimo, de- Mr. Clay " engagements" of this kind? For one, clared that, with respect to crossing the bounda- || I have never suspected him of them. The declary line of Florida, “ he approved entirely of the || ration, looks, however, as if Mr. Clay himself |